By Leonidas Vatikiotis

The provocative intervention of the European Commission (indication of their great discomfort over the decision of the Court of Appeal), which continues to treat Greece as an occupied country without sovereign rights, was via the Commission’s spokesperson Annika Breidthardt, who invoked the independence of the statistical services. In essence, the mouthpiece of Brussels if anything she asked was the unaccountability of the Eurostats’ favorites, even at the expense of their country, as was repeatedly done by A. Georgiou. In addition, as rightly highlighted in the announcement of the Union of Judges and Prosecutors on August 3rd, the unequal treatment of the European Commission creates two classes of citizens. Narratives of creditors were reproduced by mainstream Press (FAZ, FT, Politico, Bloomberg, et. al.) which appeared A. Georgiou, who now lives in Maryland, as a victim.

Needless to say, that the venal and loafer bureaucracy of Brussels would have never reached the point of showing its teeth by interfering with such frequency, if the so-called left-wing government of SYRIZA (which governs with the extreme-right party of ANEL) had not given them the right. Going as far as to accept in the prerequisites of the last instalment, the acquittal of A. Georgiou (proof of the inability of his acquittal through the lawful way), as well as paying his legal costs (just for humiliating them), the message sent out by the government is that the rule of law will have the fate of the welfare state: sacrificed at the altar of Memoranda!

The judgement of the Court of Appeal may once again have angered the parasites in Brussels, but it abstained from the proposal of the Prosecutor, Mr. Lambros Patsavellas, who, in his speech, asked for the conviction of Georgiou for all three offences, which did not concern the data falsification, as this will be trialled in the Criminal Court.

Specifically, the former President of ELSTAT, A. Georgiou, was accused of the following: First, because he simultaneously occupied two critical posts (one as a President of ELSTAT and another as deputy division chief in the IMF) – for this he was acquitted. Secondly, because he did not call for the BoD meetings – for this he was acquitted. And, thirdly, because he sent the 2009 deficit figures all by himself, without ELSTAT taking knowledge – for this, he was found guilty. The contradicting fact that he was acquitted for not calling for the BoD and then convicted because he sent the data to Eurostat by himself (because he did not call for the BoD to approve them!), is utterly blatant!

Let take a look one by one the above mentioned accusations. 

Servant of Two Masters!

The position of the President of ELSTAT is a dedicated full-time position (as provided by article 15, par. 1, sentence b of the 3832/2010 law). However, when on June 29, 2010, A. Georgiou passed by the approval of the Conference of Presidents of the Greek Parliament, he concealed that he had not resigned from the IMF but had taken an unpaid leave. His direct dependency on the IMF was apparent on the e-mail he sent to the representative of IMF in Greece, Paul Thomsen, urging him to intervene on the government, via Brussels, in order to change the law on the statistical service.

Georgiou, concealed his professional relationship with the IMF because if made known, he could not even be a mere member of the Board, as the only parallel position allowed, is that of a faculty member at a University. However, Georgiou, is not a professor! He is not even a statistical scientist, since he has no relevant studies. Even at the IMF, he was not working as a statistician, but as a simple economist. It seems, that in the case of statisticians there is a constant tradition which was first pointed out by the American economist and Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz: The IMF, recruits, second and third-class scientists to make the dirty job.

Georgiou was concealing the truth that he serves two Masters for more than a year (from July 2010 to September 2011). Thus, along with the position of President of ELSTAT he also held the post of Deputy Chief of the IMF Statistical Service, where admittedly resigned on July 16, 2010, but he only put in into effect on November 10, 2010. The fraud was uncovered by MPs and journalists, so Georgiou had to admit it. Even then, he pretended the naive, stating that he did it in order to secure his pension. The question which subsequently arises is why didn’t he wait until November 10, 2011, to complete his pensionable years at the IMF and then move to Greece? Obviously, his highly lucrative relationship of dependency with the IMF served the hateful organization who wanted to have its own people in key positions in Greece…

What if there was an evident conflict of interest between lender and borrower? A contradiction which was also described by the prosecutor himself, who in the end was applauded by dozens of ordinary people who had flooded the Court of Appeals to watch the trial …

For the offense of holding simultaneously two positions, the Court of Appeal decided that Georgiou is innocent.

ELSTAT, One Man’s Principle

From November 2010 to September 2011, Georgiou refused to convene a meeting between the other 6 members of ELSTAT (N. Logothetis, G. Georgantas, A. Philippou, G. Simiyiannis, St. Balfousia and K. Skordas) who consisted the seven-member collegial body of the independent Authority.

In order to leave no doubt regarding the motives of the BoD members we should state that (according to article 12 of law 3832 / 9.3.2010) its seven members are defined as follows: Four members (of which one is appointed as chairman and another as vice-chairman) are elected by the Presidents of the Parliament, on the recommendation of the Minister of Finance, following a public notice by a majority of 4/5 of its members. One member is nominated by the Governor of the Bank of Greece, one member by the Minister of Finance and another member by the Workers’ Association. As a result, they were not representatives of the protestors of Syntagma square, nor representatives of grass-roots unions … Thus, Georgiou, acted behind their back, as his illegalities were so blatant that they could not be accepted by employees who did not have the psychology of a gauleiter nor of a man in special mission who knows that whatever his actions may-be, his contractors, will cover for him.

His argument, that there was no trust between the members, and that is why Georgiou did it all by himself, was overturned by the prosecutor, who argued that if Georgiou did not trust them, he could entrust the vice-president to convene a BoD. So, why didn’t he request it from N. Logothetis?

Georgiou (who never missed a chance to insult Greece) to further strengthen his position he was issuing press releases in Greek and English. In these press releases the Board members were being presented as politically animated, with unionist-like and “abnormal” behaviour!

For the offence of the non-convergence of the BoD, the Court of Appeal decided that Georgiou was innocent.

Guilty of the 2009 Deficit

Of particular importance, however, is the decision of the three-member Court of Appeal, to convict Georgiou in two years’ imprisonment, with a three-year suspension, for the irregular transmission of the 2009 data of budget deficit. This decision angered the creditors and the neoliberal establishment in Greece. In particular, A. Georgiou he was convicted because he did not put into account ELSTAT as a collective body and because the latter did not consent on the transmission of the data, in violation of Article 10, par. 2(f) I of Law 3832/2010. More specifically, it states that “ELSTAT in particular: a. Prepares and executes the annual statistical program and produces and publishes with the status of the “national statistical office” as defined in para. 1 of article 5 of Regulation (EC) No 1782/2003. 223/2009, the official, national and European statistics of the country.”

Georgiou, however, chose to forward only the data for the 2009 deficit. Thus, in a completely unmonitored way, he predicted the 2009 deficit at 11.9%, first, later 13.6% of GDP later inflated it even more at 15.4% and shortly thereafter even higher: at 15.8%!

Georgiou, who was found guilty of this offense without being granted any extenuation and with the maximum penalty, violated the principles that are strictly followed in all statistical services of Europe.

The court’s decision to convict Georgiou for the arbitrary transmission of the 2009 deficit figures paves the way for revealing and putting into question the scheme that trapped Greece in order to enter the era of Memorandums under the eye of the EU-IMF and of course of the domestic economic elite. If the creditors were having a say on which of the three charges the IMF official, Georgiou, must not be convicted, they would choose this particular one, as the rejection of the way that the data of the 2009 deficit was transmitted (as much as it contradicts Georgiou’s acquittal for the non-convergence of the BoD) paves the way for the pending trials which question the 2009 deficit itself! Τhis a decision may not was the best possible, but eases the way of proving that the deficit was formed by the creditors’ orders in order to justify the literature of fiscal derailment.

The current phase of litigation about false Greek Statistics started only a few days after the last disbursement of the 7.7 million tranche, on July 7, and after the SYRIZA-ANEL government had implemented every single claim of the European creditors and the IMF. Then they realized that an unpleasant surprise was awaiting them. These included the acquittal of three members of the Hellenic Republic Asset Development Fund S.A. (this is the super-fund of privatizations) from Italy, Spain and Slovenia and of the former President of the ELSTAT (Hellenic Statistical Authority), Andreas Georgiou, who in 2009 inflated the deficit so that Greece be placed under the Memoranda status quo. They even ratified his claim for 100.000€ compensation for his legal costs, which is an unparalleled act of political humiliation.

The surprise which followed the disbursement was related to the objection on behalf of the Prosecutor of the Supreme Court, Xenis Demetriou against the Decree of the Counselors Appeal (No. 969/2017) issued on May 26, 2017, where Georgiou was relieved from the accusations that he artificially inflated the budget deficit. With this particular Decree, proposed by the Prosecutor of the Court of appeal, Mr. John Koutras, and adopted by the majority (only the Prosecutor Christina Romesi voted against) decided not to be referred to the three-member Athens Court of Appeal, George and two of his associates (Konstantinos Molfetas and Athanasia Xenaki) for the accusation of false attestation in criminal complicity at the expense of the Public under the particularly aggravating circumstance of the extreme high value of the object of the crime.

It should be noted that this was the second time that the Mr. George and his co-defendants were exempted by Decree of the Council of the Court of appeal. An identical discharge decision (1149/2015) from the accusation for falsification to a felony degree was preceded.

Georgiou was Never Acquitted!

Consequently, those who argued that Mr. Georgiou has been acquitted twice so far make a broad interpretation of the Decree. They turned the exculpatory acts into acquittals with apparent objective to present Mr. Georgiou as a victim of persecution. And instead of apologizing for his inability to prove his innocence to the court hearing, as any accused is obliged to do, he appears as a victim of political squabbles, when the only political conspiracy in progress aims at his acquittal.

The rage of the EU, who treats Greece as a Banana Republic, making use the slavish attitude of Tsipra’s government, is fully understandable on the basis of the possible consequences a final court decision will have for all the countries that voted for Greece’s lending in 2010, which will conclude that Georgiou and Eurostat altered fraudulently the financial figures of Greece. Hundreds of deputies across the EU have therefore been deceived with non-existent economic data in order to save the French-German banks. That being the case, the EU is now trying to not only save her valuable associate in Athens, who in fraudulent ways and in violation of not just the scientific ethics but also of laws, paved the way for the steamroller of the Memoranda, but also to conceal its own responsibility in the falsification of statistical data. That is, not to open the Windbag of Aeolus and reveal the great robbery organized by the EU and IMF at the expense of the people, using the excuse of “rescues” …

In order to better show how provocative and against of any concept of law is the intervention of the creditors on putting an end on the Georgiou chapter, it is worth a small flashback on the very serious accusations against the former powerful man of the ELSTAT who paved the way for the then Finance Minister, G. Papaconstantinou, to compare Greece with Titanic as a self-fulfilling prophecy, paving the way to the speculators…

It is worth to stand in three specific examples which demonstrate the cooking in the data of the ELSTAT that took place under Georgiou’s responsibility, so that the 2009 budget deficit would initially reach 11.9% and later 15.8% of GDP. They also show why the creditors, the pro-Memorandum governments (social-democratic PASOK, the so-called technocrats of L. Papadimou, the right-wing New Democracy and the current SYRIZA-ANEL) do not want the case before the hearing.

The “creative accounting” was used in the data of: First, hospitals, second, 17 DEKOs (Public Companies of General Interest) and hundreds of legal entities (around 500) and third the famous swap of the former Prime Minister, Kostas Simitis, who were “cooked” with the help of Goldman Sachs so that the budget deficit to rise in high levels in order to launch the “shock therapy” in 2010.

Statistical Alchemies

The amount that the ELSTAT sent as hospital debts as part of a consistent recurring process in October 2009 in order to establish the tables with the financial data of the EU Member States was “just” 2.3 billion euros. However, somehow in the notification that arrived a few weeks later at Eurostat, dated October 21st, 2008, the amount had increased by an additional 2.5 billion euros, reaching at 4.8 billion euros. Then it was considered that even this amount was not sufficient enough to get the deficit to a convenient for their purpose, therefore the Greek government added an extra 1.8 billion euros, justifying this decision with a “technical report on the review of the obligations of Hospitals” which was sent on February 3, 2010. Thus, the 2.3 billion were magically become by the “Wizard” Georgiou 6.6 billion euros! They were so determined (because of the guarantees that they certainly had outside Greece) that they did not take into account even the Court of Auditors, which, out of the alleged 6.6 billion, approved only 1.2 billion euros. They did not even “lower” the 6.6 billion when one and a half month after the unlawful increase in the budget deficit, the Finance Ministry demanded that hospital suppliers accept a 30% haircut for their unpaid services in 2005-2008. Thus, while public funds benefited from this cut, this discount was never recorded in the fiscal figures.

It is worth to underline another fundamental dimension, which was emphasized in the first report of the Truth Debt Committee in June 2015 under the aegis of Greek parliament (here is the full text) with aim to show that Greek debt was illegal and odious: “This statistical practices, which were used to calculate the liabilities of hospitals, clearly violate both the ESA95 European regulations (see . ESA95, par. 3.06, EC no. 2516/2000 Article 2 of Commission Regulation EC no. 995/2001) as well as the Code of Practice of the European Statistical System (European Statistics Code of Practice), particularly as regards the principles of independence of the statistical measurements, statistical objectivity and credibility” (page 24).

Thus, assurances of anonymous sources in Brussels, which are being republished as a whole and without criticism assuring that specific methodologies were used so Eurostat guarantees the reliability of the data are… nonsense.  They are just pulling the wool over the people’s eyes! Nowhere, the ESA95 and ESA2010 regulations indicate this recording process. The fact that the assurances of Brussels are arbitrary is obvious from the fact that even eight years later different sources of Eurostat show a different levels of deficit…So Eurostat should first decide on the level of the 2009 deficit which in every opportunity shows off the very bad quality of the data it publishes (on the contrary, with the US counterpart), and then they can issue firmans in order to put a tombstone on a debate that has a long future.

All In…

In violation of the international regulations, 17 DEKOs and hundreds of legal entities from the non-financial corporations in the General Government sector were also included in order to inflate the deficit. These entities included from ETHEL (Thermal Bus Company), ILPAP (Electric buses of Athens and Piraeus), ISAP (Urban Rail Transport SA) and OSE (Hellenic Railways Organisation) to the Center for Renewable Energy Sources, the Industrial Property Organization, the University Research Institute for Communications and Computer Systems and the Varvakeios Market of fresh meat and fishes.

The result of this actions was to raise the public debt by at least 18.2 billion EUR. In order for A. Georgiou to be able to pass this change, which was implemented without the slightest studies, he canceled the Service Board of Directors and turned it into one man’s authority. Moreover, his “daring” exploits include his effort to deceive the Parliament, where in order to justify the reclassification, he submitted 74 files that supposedly contained the relevant documentation. In fact, they did not contain studies as they should, but questionnaires, balance sheets and a multitude of other documents that were totally unprocessed.

Only pizza and souvlaki menus were missing from these files, knowing that such records are hardly even opened, not to mention… read!

The last trick that Georgiou and his associated recruited to inflate the deficit was the sinful swaps by Kostas Simitis. Specifically, the debt swap agreements signed by the Greek government with Goldman Sachs in order to hide the public debt. Instead of revealing the alchemy used for Greece’s accession to the eurozone and hold account the financial staff of K. Simitis (L. Papademos then governor of central bank and later appointed by Troika prime minister, G. Stournaras then chief of economists and now governor of central bank, etc.), these very alchemy were once again used against Greek people, as Georgiou arbitrarily AGAIN decided to allocate the € 21bn swap within the years 2006-2009, increasing retroactively and in violation of EU regulations  the public debt. Why did he distributed it in previous years and not in the next, as he could do, this is something they never want us to know.

The Europeans tried to cover up the ELSTAT scandal invoking the famous independence of statistical institutes. The European Commission statement said in a nutshell that “if we find the data credible, it should be enough for you”. This is extreme political authoritarianism that shows that the independence … seriously hampers Democracy. Prohibits the democratic control, removes sovereign rights, facilitates poverty, and becomes a policy enforcement tool that no people have decided, nor approved. The independent authorities therefore cancel Democracy, just like the EU itself that uses every means to conceal the ELSTAT scandals!

Translation: FF.

Leonidas Vatikiotis is a Greek economist and analyst.

Source:https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/08/30/the-road-to-the-greek-hell-is-paved-with-false-eu-and-imf-statistics/

Debt increased, public assets sold. The Greek and European elites make profits.

In January 2017 the coalition government of SYRIZA and ANEL will be two years in power. During this time, in the Dutch media there has been an almost total silence about Greece, interrupted only by short references to the ongoing negotiations for the disbursement of the loan tranches. Silence covers also the new tough measures that the Greek government imposes, dramatically deteriorating the living conditions of the great majority of people in Greece.

At every critical moment of the last two years, the SYRIZA-ANEL government has proven a loyal ally of the Greek and European elites. The year of 2016 was no exception to the long succession of years through which people in Greece have suffered hard austerity measures under the pretext of the debt crisis. These Memoranda measures were never designed to rescue Greece, as the mouthpieces of the EU have been claiming so far, despite the fact that the debt has now climbed from 127,1%  in 2009 to 179.2% of GDP. Even the IMF admitted the failure of the bailout program.

More specifically: In 2012, the Memoranda rescued the creditors with the notorious PSI, which although presented as a reduction of the Greek debt, in reality it was a transfer of the Greek sovereign debt from the German, French, Dutch and Greek banks to the governments of the EU member states. In the same vein, the Memoranda measures imposed ever since have been rescuing those responsible for the crisis in Greece, i.e., the Greek economic elite, while at the same time distributing all profitable activities of the Greek economy to the European and Greek economic elites.

It is characteristic that in 2015, fourteen of the most lucrative regional airports were sold for 1.2 billion to the German Fraport AG-Slentel Ltd. The entire amount was used to repay the debt. Furthermore, despite the pre-election commitments of SYRIZA, the water companies were recently transferred to the Hellenic Republic Asset Development Fund (Greece’s privatizations fund, the so-called TAIPED). As a result, the main multinationals specializing in the water market -and actually denying access to water for large segments of the population- are getting ready to benefit from this transfer. Another characteristic example is the sale of business and housing loans to international speculative funds, which is now on the table of negotiations with the creditors.

Meanwhile, the business elites that looted and indebted the Greek state and destroyed the Greek economy during the 35 years of PASOK and ND governments, continue to enjoy privileged and scandalous contracts as well as full tax immunity even during the so-called “government of the left”.

What about the Greek society and the refugees?

The SYRIZA-ANEL government that promised to end the memoranda policies and relieve the working classes has proven to be one of their most dangerous enemies. Its climb to power by deceiving the Greek people with the supposed negotiation with the creditors ensured their tolerance and disappointment in the face of the hardest and most class-ridden measures so far. In fact, the SYRIZA-ANEL government has been the most efficient administrator of these policies and, therefore, the best option for the Greek elite and its lenders. At the same time, this government along with the creditors are condemning the Greek people to a daily deterioration of their living standards.

A homeless man sits next to a Christmas tree on a street in Athens

Soup kitchen in Athens

According to the latest Eurostat’s data, the percentage of those at risk of poverty rose from 29.1% in 2009 to 35.7% (3.8 million) in 2015. Incidents of starvation in schools are increasing. The new cuts on pensions are plunging into poverty not only the retirees but also a large number of unemployed people who are literally being fed by their parents’ pensions. According to ELSTAT’s (Hellenic Statistical Authority) latest data, only 14% of the unemployed receive the meager unemployment allowance of 360 euros per month for the first year only. At least 500.000 private employees working part-time are paid less than the unemployment benefit. Over one million working people suffer delays in their payment that can even last for 12 months. Uninsured work (without healthcare and pension rights) has reached the staggering levels of 30%. Approximately 24% of the people was obliged to make bold cuts on basic necessities (e.g. food and fuel) in order to buy medicines, while 13% delay to perform the doctor’s prescription because they cannot pay their contribution. To save on their medication, 10% of the patients take smaller doses against their doctor’s instructions. On top of this, auctions of primary residences have begun – and have been met with strong opposition from the people.

The plans of the government and the creditors for the future will further worsen the current situation. The 2017 budget includes an increase up to 26.27 billion in indirect taxes, a decrease in pension expenditure and cuts on benefits.

As far as the refugee crisis is concerned, the SYRIZA-ANEL government has shown a most awful and inhumane face. Fully in line with the right-wing and fascistic policies of the EU, it closed the borders, forcing the refugees to risk the dangerous Aegean Sea crossing, which has cost the lives of hundreds of people. At first, it let the refugees who crossed the border helpless, depending only on the solidarity of the Greek people, and later on, it practically imprisoned them in remote detention centres under appalling conditions and away from the local populations. At the same time, it provocatively allowed the development of racist and fascist groups that committed criminal actions against the refugees. It faithfully applies the shameful EU-Turkey deal, systematically redirecting refugees to the fascist Erdogan regime. As a result of this deal, around 60.000 refugees have stranded in Greece, with 16.000 of them ending up in overcrowded jail-like centres, where three times as many people are now detained as when the deal was signed. In addition, against any notion of legality, the government intervened in the asylum procedures and changed the composition of the committees in order to ensure the massive rejection of asylum claims.

Refugee camp in Thessaloniki

Refugee camp on Chios island

In exchange for remaining in power, the SYRIZA-ANEL government is trying to persuade the Greek people that there is no alternative to the Memoranda and the agreements it has signed, such as the CETA or the EU-Turkey deals. Not only do they celebrate after every unpopular measure they vote and every shameful agreement they sign, they even brutally repress every social reaction to them. With the pretext that the police is difficult to control, they use the fascist police mechanism to repress opposition to unpopular measures and solidarity to refugees. During the SYRIZA-ANEL government, the police has not stopped attacking protests with tear gas and beat protesters. Even members of SYRIZA have been attacked by the police during their participation in demonstrations.

What lessons can be drawn for the people and the left in Europe

The conversion of SYRIZA to a political administrator of the interests of the Greek and European elites should raise concern in the European left. The experience in Greece shows that overthrowing the one-way road of extreme neoliberal policies and blocking the way to racism and fascism that is now prevailing in Europe (and not only in Europe…) cannot be achieved by the climb to power of a left-wing government coalition. With SYRIZA’s conversion, the hope and vision of change seemed to have faded away not only in Greece but also in the rest of Europe. Millions of Greek and European citizens who believed that there can be a left turn in Greece and Europe sank into disappointment.

At the same time, people in Greece learned an important lesson: radical changes cannot be entrusted to a party or a governing coalition. The solution can only come from people themselves. The Memoranda in Greece, the austerity policies in the rest of Europe and the rise of the far right are not unbeatable. People can stop them through collective organization, constant struggle and class solidarity in their places of work, study and neighbourhoods. With bottom-up politics and not by assigning politics to representatives can the people of Europe discover new ways to achieve social justice, decent living conditions and peaceful coexistence.

The lessons drawn from SYRIZA’s approach to the European Union can also be very valuable to the whole of European left. SYRIZA came to power by promising it will reform the EU in a more social welfare direction. This was either wishful thinking or a way of deceiving the Greek people. The EU and the Euro are political and economic institutions that have been created to serve the interests of the European elites at the cost of people’s rights. The results of SYRIZA’s attitude towards the EU is now clear and catastrophic for the Greek people.

The workers, the unemployed and the refugees cannot expect change from a left-wing management of power. The hope for changing the current dramatic situation can only be fulfilled through a political conflict with the EU, the European governments and their policies; through an effort to build new, anti-capitalist social and economic structures. In Greece, the economy will not recover and unemployment will not be reduced by government decrees or appeals for entrepreneurial innovation to a corrupt economic elite.

Social and economic progress can only be achieved if economy is run by the people, by those who will confront the decisions of the government, the creditors and the business elites to privatize and sell off every profitable economic structure in Greece. In the Netherlands, the gradual impoverishment of large parts of the population through lay-offs, lower earnings and poorer working conditions in vital sectors such as healthcare will not stop by the participation of the left in the government, but by massive popular resistance.

Both in Greece and the Netherlands, the improvement of the quality of life for the lower classes, the reversal of the fascist tendencies and the cancellation of the refugee policies that are now treating the refugees as inferior beings and a threat, cannot be accomplished within the neoliberal and authoritarian limits of the EU and the Eurozone. The common struggle and class solidarity of the working people, the unemployed and the refugees in Greece,  the Netherlands and the rest of Europe against the EU’s policies feeding poverty, insecurity, nationalism, racism and xenophobia, are required.

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Twee jaar SYRIZA-ANEL-bewind in Griekenland: twee jaar met de ergste bezuinigingen

De schuld steeg, publieke goederen verkocht. De Griekse en de Europese elites maken winst.

In januari 2017 zal de coalitieregering van SYRIZA en ANEL twee jaar aan de macht zijn. Gedurende deze tijd heerste er in de Nederlandse media een bijna volledige stilte over Griekenland. Stilte over de nieuwe harde maatregelen en dramatische verslechtering van de levensomstandigheden van de grote meerderheid van de Griekse bevolking. Soms werd die stilte slechts onderbroken door korte verwijzingen naar de lopende onderhandelingen over de uitbetaling van de lening tranches.

Op elk cruciaal moment in de afgelopen twee jaar heeft de SYRIZA-ANEL regering bewezen een trouwe bondgenoot van de Griekse en Europese elites te zijn. Het jaar 2016 was geen uitzondering in de lange reeks van jaren waarin de mensen in Griekenland hebben geleden onder de harde bezuinigingsmaatregelen. Deze memoranda maatregelen zijn nooit bedoeld om Griekenland te redden zoals de spreekbuis van de EU tot nu toe beweert. Integendeel de schuld is nu gestegen van 127,1% in 2009 naar 179,2% van het BNP. Zelfs het IMF gaf de mislukking van het bailout-programma toe.

Meer in het bijzonder: In 2012 hebben de memoranda de schuldeisers gered met de beruchte PSI die voorgesteld was als een vermindering van de Griekse schuld. Maar de PSI was in werkelijkheid een overdracht van de Griekse staatsschuld van de Duitse, Franse, Nederlandse en de Griekse banken naar de regeringen van de EU-lidstaten. In dezelfde geest hebben de memoranda maatregelen de Griekse economische elite, degenen die verantwoordelijk zijn voor de crisis in Griekenland, gered. Tegelijkertijd werden alle winstgevende activiteiten van de Griekse economie aan de Europese en Griekse economische elites overgedragen.

Het is kenmerkend dat in 2015 veertien van de meest lucratieve regionale luchthavens werden verkocht voor 1,2 miljard euro aan de Duitse Fraport AG-Slentel Ltd. Het gehele bedrag werd gebruikt om de schuld terug te betalen. Bovendien, ondanks de pre-electorale toezeggingen van SYRIZA, zijn de waterbedrijven onlangs overgedragen aan het Helleense Republiek Asset Development Fund (het Griekse privatiseringsfonds). Als gevolg daarvan hebben de belangrijkste multinationals die gespecialiseerd zijn in de watermarkt, zich klaar gemaakt om te profiteren van deze overdracht. Een ander typisch voorbeeld is de verkoop van bedrijfsleningen en hypotheken aan internationale speculatieve fondsen die nu op de onderhandelingstafel met de schuldeisers ligt.

Ondertussen bleven de zakelijke elites die de Griekse staat geplunderd en in de schulden gestoken hadden, genieten van bevoorrechte en schandalige contracten maar ook van een volledige fiscale immuniteit. Dezelfde elites die de Griekse economie in de loop van de 35 jaar PASOK- en ND-regeringen vernietigd hadden.

Hoe zit het met de Griekse samenleving en de vluchtelingen?

De SYRIZA-ANEL-regering die beloofde het memoranda beleid te beëindigen en de situatie van de werkende klassen te verlichten, heeft bewezen een van de meest gevaarlijke vijanden van die werkende klasse te zijn. Hun greep naar de macht door het Griekse volk te bedriegen met de vermeende onderhandelingen met de schuldeisers heeft het volk ernstig teleurgesteld door de hardste en meest klasse teisterende maatregelen tot nu toe op te leggen. In feite is de SYRIZA-ANEL-regering de meest efficiënte uitvoerder van dit beleid en dus de beste optie voor de Griekse elite en zijn kredietverstrekkers geweest.

Volgens de meest recente gegevens van Eurostat is het percentage van degenen die risico lopen op armoede, gestegen van 29,1% in 2009 tot 35,7% (3,8 miljoen) in 2015. Incidenten van uithongering in scholen nemen toe. De nieuwe bezuinigingen op de pensioenen storten niet alleen de gepensioneerden in armoede maar ook een groot aantal werklozen die letterlijk worden gevoed door de pensioenen van hun ouders. Volgens de laatste gegevens van ELSTAT (het Griekse bureau voor de statistiek) ontvangt slechts 14% van de werklozen de schamele werkloosheidsuitkering van 360 euro per maand voor allen het eerste jaar. Minstens 500.000 particuliere werknemers die in deeltijd werken, krijgen minder betaald dan de werkloosheidsuitkering. Meer dan een miljoen werkende mensen krijgen hun salaris te laat uitbetaald en dit kan oplopen tot 12 maanden. Onverzekerd werk (zonder gezondheidszorg en pensioenrechten) heeft het duizelingwekkende niveau van 30% bereikt. Ongeveer 24% van de mensen moest ernstig bezuinigingen op basisbehoeften (bijvoorbeeld voedsel en brandstof) om medicijnen te kunnen kopen. Tegelijkertijd vertraagt 13% van de mensen het uitvoeren van de voorschriften van de arts omdat zij hun bijdrage niet kunnen betalen. Om te besparen op hun medicatie neemt 10% van de patiënten, tegen de instructies van hun arts, kleinere doses in. Daar komt nog bij dat men is begonnen met het veilen van primaire woningen dat gestuit is op sterke tegenstand van het volk.

De plannen van de overheid en de schuldeisers voor de toekomst zullen de huidige situatie verder verergeren. De begroting voor 2017 voorziet in een stijging tot 26,27 miljard in de indirecte belastingen, een daling van de pensioenuitgaven en bezuinigingen op de uitkeringen.

Wat betreft de vluchtelingen crisis heeft de SYRIZA-ANEL-regering een vreselijk en onmenselijk gezicht getoond. Geheel in lijn met het rechtse en fascistische beleid van de EU sloot het de grenzen waardoor het de vluchtelingen dwong om het risico te nemen de gevaarlijke Egeïsche Zee over te steken. Dat heeft het leven van honderden mensen gekost. In eerste instantie liet de regering de vluchtelingen die de grens overstaken zitten zonder hulp en geheel afhankelijk van de solidariteit van de Griekse bevolking. Later zetten ze hen praktisch gevangen in afgelegen detentiecentra onder erbarmelijke omstandigheden en uit de buurt van de lokale bevolking. Op hetzelfde moment liet het provocerend de ontwikkeling van racistische en fascistische groepen toe die misdadige acties tegen de vluchtelingen begingen. De regering voerde trouw de beschamende EU-Turkije deal uit door systematisch vluchtelingen terug te sturen naar het fascistische Erdogan regime. Als gevolg van deze deal zijn er al 60.000 vluchtelingen gestrand in Griekenland. 16.000 van hen belanden in overvolle gevangenis-achtige centra waar nu drie keer zo veel mensen worden vastgehouden als toen de overeenkomst werd ondertekend. Bovendien greep de overheid, in strijd met elk legaliteitsbeginsel, in in de asielprocedures en veranderde de samenstelling van de commissies om de massale afwijzing van de asielverzoeken te waarborgen.

Om aan de macht te blijven probeert de SYRIZA-ANEL-regering het Griekse volk ervan te overtuigen dat er geen alternatief is voor de memoranda en de overeenkomsten die het heeft ondertekend, zoals de CETA  en de EU-Turkije deal. Ze vieren niet alleen elke onpopulaire maatregel die ze goedgekeurd krijgen en iedere schandelijke overeenkomst die ze tekenen, ze onderdrukken zelfs brutaal elke sociale reactie daarop. Met het voorwendsel dat de politie moeilijk onder controle te houden is, gebruiken ze het fascistische politieapparaat om oppositie tegen impopulaire maatregelen en solidariteit met vluchtelingen te onderdrukken. Tijdens de SYRIZA-ANEL-regering is de politie niet gestopt met het aanvallen van demonstraties met traangas en het slaan van demonstranten. Zelfs leden van SYRIZA zijn aangevallen door de politie tijdens hun deelname aan demonstraties.

Welke lessen kunnen worden getrokken voor de mensen en links Europa

De verandering van SYRIZA in een politieke beschermer van de belangen van de Griekse en Europese elites moet links Europa grote zorgen baren. De ervaring in Griekenland heeft geleerd dat de omverwerping van het eenrichtingsverkeer van het extreem neoliberale beleid en het blokkeren van de weg naar racisme en fascisme die nu heerst in Europa (en niet alleen in Europa) niet kan worden bereikt door de greep naar de macht van een linkse regeringscoalitie. Met de verandering van SYRIZA leek de hoop op en de visie van de verandering niet alleen in Griekenland, maar ook in de rest van Europa te zijn vervaagd. De hoop van miljoenen Griekse en Europese burgers die geloofden dat er een weg naar links in Griekenland en Europa ingeslagen kon worden, zonk in diepe teleurstelling.

Terzelfder tijd hebben de mensen in Griekenland een belangrijke les geleerd: radicale veranderingen kunnen niet worden toevertrouwd aan een partij of een regeringscoalitie. De oplossing kan alleen komen van de mensen zelf. De memoranda in Griekenland, het bezuinigingsbeleid in de rest van Europa en de opkomst van extreemrechts zijn niet onverslaanbaar. Mensen kunnen ze stoppen door middel van collectieve organisatie, constante strijd en klasse solidariteit op hun werk, tijdens hun studie en in hun omgeving. Met bottom-up politiek en niet door het toewijzen van de politiek aan vertegenwoordigers kunnen de burgers van Europa nieuwe manieren ontdekken om sociale rechtvaardigheid, fatsoenlijke levensomstandigheden en een vreedzame samenleving te bereiken.

De getrokken lessen uit SYRIZA’s benadering van de Europese Unie kunnen ook zeer waardevol zijn voor het geheel van links Europa. SYRIZA kwam aan de macht met de belofte om de EU te hervormen in de richting van meer sociaal welzijn. Dit was ofwel “wishful thinking” of een manier om het Griekse volk te bedriegen. De EU en de Euro zijn politieke en economische instellingen die zijn opgericht om de belangen van de Europese elites te dienen ten koste van de rechten van mensen. Het resultaat van SYRIZA’s houding ten aanzien van de EU is nu duidelijk en catastrofaal voor het Griekse volk.

De arbeiders, de werklozen en de vluchtelingen kunnen geen verandering verwachten van een links machtsmanagement. De hoop op verandering in de huidige dramatische situatie kan alleen worden vervuld door middel van een politiek conflict met de EU, de Europese regeringen en hun beleid door middel van een poging om nieuwe, antikapitalistische sociale en economische structuren op te bouwen. In Griekenland zal de economie zich niet herstellen en de werkloosheid niet worden verminderd door de decreten van de overheid of door oproepen voor innovatie en ondernemerschap aan een ​​corrupte economische elite.

Sociale en economische vooruitgang kan alleen worden bereikt als de economie wordt gerund door het volk, door hen die de confrontatie aangaan met de beslissingen van de overheid, de schuldeisers en de zakelijke elites. In Nederland zal ook de geleidelijke verarming van grote delen van de bevolking door middel van ontslagen, lagere lonen en slechtere arbeidsomstandigheden in vitale sectoren zoals de gezondheidszorg niet stoppen door de deelname van links in de regering, maar door massaal volksverzet.

Zowel in Griekenland als in Nederland kan de verbetering van de kwaliteit van leven voor de lagere klassen, de omkering van de fascistische tendensen en de annulering van het vluchtelingenbeleid niet worden bereikt binnen de neoliberale en autoritaire grenzen van de EU en de eurozone. De gemeenschappelijke strijd en klasse solidariteit van de werkende bevolking, de werklozen en de vluchtelingen in Griekenland, in Nederland en de rest van Europa tegen het EU-beleid van verhoging van armoede, onveiligheid, nationalisme, racisme en vreemdelingenhaat, zijn vereist.

Door Dimitris Pavlopoulos, Arbeidssocioloog VU

(scroll down for English)

Hoe Dijsselbloem de Griekse economie ondermijnt

Op 5 juli, de dag van het referendum in Griekenland, heeft de voorzitter van de Eurogroep en PvdA prominent, Jeroen Dijsselbloem, een brief gestuurd aan de leden van zijn partij. Naar mijn mening bevat de brief van dhr. Dijsselbloem een overvloed van onnauwkeurige argumenten en is het eigenlijk niets anders dan een herhaling van de inaccurate en neoliberaal georiënteerde artikelen van de Nederlandse pers de laatste maanden.

De toetreding van Griekenland tot de Eurozone wordt min of meer gepresenteerd als een truc van corrupte Grieken tegen de eerlijke regeringen van Noord-Europa. Wat dhr. Dijsselbloem vergeet te vermelden is de mate waarmee de economische elite van Noord-Europa heeft geprofiteerd van de toetreding van Griekenland (en andere landen in het Zuiden) tot de Eurozone. Zoals de volgende grafiek laat zien, was het deficit van een aantal landen van de Eurozone (inclusief Griekenland) het surplus van een aantal andere landen (inclusief Nederland).

Defensiebudget en lage rente
Dijsselbloem heeft ook kritiek op het Griekse defensiebudget, waarop volgens de Europgroep veel meer moest worden bezuinigd. Wat betreft dat defensiebudget lijkt het, dat dhr. Dijsselbloem denkt dat mensen geen verstand hebben: Nederland is de vierde grootste leverancier van militair materieel aan Griekenland, met contracten die zelfs in de crisisjaren zijn uitgevoerd (na 2010). Griekenland werd tijdens de crisis door de Troika gedwongen om de contracten voor aankoop van militair materieel te eerbiedigen, zelfs in gevallen waarin het materieel te duur en gebrekkig was (zie de zaak van de aanschaf van defecte onderzeeërs van het Duitse bedrijf HDW).

Het argument dat Griekenland heeft geprofiteerd van lage rente om goedkope leningen te krijgen gaat ook niet op. Deze leningen werden verstrekt door voornamelijk in de noordelijke Europese landen gevestigde private banken, die massaal hebben geprofiteerd van het verstrekken van deze leningen.

Wie profiteerde?
Het is hierom dat we het argument van dhr. Dijsselbloem omdraaien door te vragen: wie profiteerde er echt van de toelating van Griekenland tot de Eurozone? Griekenland voldeed absoluut niet aan de criteria van het Verdrag van Maastricht om toe te treden tot de Eurozone. In werkelijkheid zijn deze criteria erkend als ad hoc neoliberale criteria die niet geschikt zijn om het naar elkaar toe groeien van verschillende economieën te garanderen.

In ieder geval verzekerde de aanwezigheid van Griekenland en andere zwakke economieën in de periferie van de Eurozone zowel de export- als de bankensector van Noord-Europa van een grote markt zonder grenzen. Bovendien garandeerde de crisis in de zuidelijke landen dat de noordelijke landen zoals Duitsland en Nederland door investeerders beschouwd werden als een ‘veilige haven’. Volgens conservatieve schattingen zijn de winsten van Duitsland op de nul-rentetarieven waarvan het land profiteerde voor zijn obligaties en de rente die Griekenland betaalde voor de bilaterale leningen gestegen tot €80 miljard.

Behoed voor erger?
De meest ongelofelijke uitspraak van dhr. Dijsselbloem is dat de reddingspakketten en de bezuinigingsmaatregelen die de afgelopen vijf jaar op Griekenland werden toegepast, het volk heeft behoed voor een grotere ramp. Hier kan veel over worden gezegd. Echter, het beste antwoord komt van iemand van zijn eigen club, Karl Otto Pohl, een voormalig directeur van de Bundesbank: “The bail-out was about protecting German and – above all – French banks from debt write-offs. (…) In this way, one understands that in reality it was about saving the banks and the rich Greeks…” [Spiegel, 18/5/2010].

De realiteit bevestigt de voorgaande uitspraak. De onhoudbaarheid van de Griekse schuld was sinds 2009 bij de EU bekend. De sociaaldemocratische premier G. Papandreou manipuleerde het begrotingstekort tot 15.2% (een juridisch onderzoek naar de kwestie is gaande), zodat Griekenland het grootste tekort in de EU heeft en een verzoek om hulp gerechtvaardigd is. Na twee opeenvolgende reddingspakketen in 2010 en 2012 is de Griekse schuld nauwelijks afgenomen.

Wat wel veranderde, is de samenstelling van de schuldeisers. Concreet: In 2010 bezaten de officiële schuldeisers (regeringen, ECB enz.) minder dan een derde van de Griekse staatsschuld. Tegenwoordig bezitten ze meer dan drie kwart. Conclusie: de Europese banken werden gered van een faillissement! De bewering van dhr. Dijsselbloem “…de jaarlijkse kosten van Griekse rentebetalingen zijn erg laag” maakt duidelijk dat hem kennis ontbreekt over de basisgegevens van de Griekse economie. Alleen al over 2015 bedroegen de kosten voor de rentebetalingen van de staatsschuld 12.3% van het bbp en meer dan 50% van het netto nationaal beschikbaar inkomen.

Tegelijkertijd explodeerden de inkomensongelijkheid en de ongelijkheid van de verdeling van de rijkdom in Griekenland. Van 2009 tot 2012 is de inkomensverhouding tussen het rijkste vijfde deel van de bevolking en het armste vijfde deel gestegen van 5.8 tot 6.6. Van 2011 tot 2013 steeg het aantal individuen met een rijkdom groter dan €30 miljoen van 445 tot 505 en steeg hun totale rijkdom van €50 miljard tot €60 miljard ofwel 32% van het bbp. Dit alles gebeurde onder de neus van de Troika, die elke kleine wet goedkeurde die het parlement aannam.

De Trojka frustreert de belastingplannen
Wij nodigen dhr. Dijsselbloem uit om bewijs aan te dragen dat de Troika van enige Griekse regering in de afgelopen vijf jaar serieus heeft geëist om de allerrijksten belasting op te leggen. Heeft de Troika gedreigd met stoppen van het aanbieden van de tranches van de lening vanwege het falen van de voorgaande regeringen om de ‘Lagarde lijst’ te onderzoeken (de lijst met mogelijke belastingontduikers met spaarrekeningen bij HSBC in Zwitserland)? Heeft de Troika ooit geëist dat de private tv kanalen worden belast, die sinds 1991 opereren zonder een enkele euro belasting te betalen? In de laatste onderhandelingen voor het referendum eiste de Troika (en specifiek het IMF) in plaats daarvan van de Griekse regering, om het plan af te schaffen om een eenmalige nieuwe belasting op te leggen aan bedrijven met een netto winst groter dan €1 miljoen, als een maatregel die groei belemmert! In plaats daarvan eisten ze van de regering om een speciale aanvulling van pensioenen (EKAS) te schrappen, met het gevolg dat mensen met pensioenen van €400 en €500 nieuwe verliezen moeten dragen.

Dhr. Dijsselbloem heeft ook verzaakt om een aantal andere eisen tot ‘hervormingen’ van de Troika te rapporteren. De Troika eiste van de SYRIZA-regering afschaffing van de plannen voor de versterking van de kracht van collectieve arbeidsovereenkomsten en het verhogen van het minimum loon tot een brutobegrag van €751 per maand. Dhr. Dijsselbloem en zijn collega’s eisten van de Griekse regering afschaffing van het plan van €200 miljoen (dat is wat dhr. Dijsselbloem ‘een hoop geld’ noemt…), om voedselbonnen en gratis electriciteit te verstrekken aan families die in de diepste armoede leven. Ze eisten ook de afschaffing van de bescherming van arme huiseigenaren tegen uitzettingen vanwege schulden. Dit zijn de structurele hervormingen die dhr. Dijsselbloem eist van de Grieken!

De EU, ECB en het IMF vertegenwoordigen niet de Europeanen
Dijsselbloem en co in de EU, de ECB en het IMF vertegenwoordigen niet de Europeanen. Zij vertegenwoordigen het belang van de financiële markten en de economische elites. Voor hen is het ultieme doel een linkse regering (zelfs met een zeer gematigd links programma) enige kans op succes te ontnemen. Zij willen laten zien dat neoliberalisme en bezuinigingen de enige weg zijn voor Europa; niet alleen voor Griekenland, maar ook voor Nederland, zoals de praktijk van de huidige regering laat zien. Dat is waarom dhr. Dijsselbloem bot intervenieerde in het proces van het referendum en dat is waarom hij in zijn brief duidelijk aangeeft dat hij zou willen dat andere politici ingrijpen in Griekenland.

Het Griekse volk nam een duidelijke beslissing in het referendum; het bezuinigingsbeleid zou moeten ophouden. Ze gaven ook een duidelijk antwoord op de chantage van Dijsselbloem en co: het volk zelf zal beslissen over de toekomst van Griekenland en niet de bureaucraten en lobbyisten van Brussel of de bankiers van Frankfurt. Nu zijn de progressieven overal in Europa aan de beurt om hierover een positie in te nemen.

Het is de hoogste tijd dat dhr. Dijsselbloem aftreedt als voorzitter van de Eurogroep. Hij heeft laten zien dat hij de democratie niet respecteert en dat hij het recht van het volk om over de eigen toekomst te beslissen negeert. Het is van belang dat zelfs de PvdA leden dit verzoek onderschrijven en een standpunt in nemen voor het recht van het Griekse volk om los te breken van de dodelijke spiraal van bezuinigingen. Het standpunt van dhr. Dijsselbloem en de manier waarop hij de ‘Griekse kwestie’ heeft behandeld maakt duidelijk dat hij niets te maken heeft met sociaaldemocratische principes.

Lees hier de brief van Jeroen Dijsselbloem aan de PvdA-leden

Source of the article:http://www.joop.nl/opinies/detail/artikel/33002_dijsselbloem_treed_af_als_voorzitter_van_de_eurogroep/

The article was originally written in English and it has been translated into Dutch by Maaike van Kregten.

Dijsselbloem, resign from Eurogroup presidency!

By Dimitris Pavlopoulos

Dimitris Pavlopoulos works as an assistant professor in Sociology at the VU University in Amsterdam.

On July 5^th, the day of the referendum in Greece,  the president of the Eurogroup and prominent member of the Dutch Labour Party, Jeroen Dijsselbloem addressed a letter to the member of his party. In our opinion, the letter of Dijsselbloem contains a plethora of inaccurate arguments and is actually nothing else than a repetition of the inaccurate and neoliberal-oriented articles of the Dutch press the last months.

The accession of Greece to the Eurozone is presented more or less as trick of corrupted Greek people against the honest governments of northern Europe. What Dijsselbloem fails to mention is the extent to which the economic elite of northern Europe has profited from the accession of Greece (and other countries of the South) to the Eurozone. As shown also in the following graph, the deficit of some countries of the Eurozone (including Greece) was the surplus of some others (including the Netherlands). As for the defence budget, it seems that Mr Dijsselbloem takes people for idiots: the Netherlands is the 4^th largest supplier of military equipment to Greece with contracts being executed even within the years of crisis (after 2010). Greece was forced by the Troika to honour the contracts for buying military equipment within the crisis even in cases where the equipment was overpriced and faulty (see the case of the purchase of faulty submarines from the German company HDW).

The argument that Greece profited from the low interest rates to increase credit is also void. These loans were provided by private banks established mainly in northern European countries that profited massively by providing these loans.

Therefore, we reverse the argument of Mr Dijsselbloem by asking: who profited really from the accession of Greece to the Eurozone? Greece definitely did not fulfil the criteria of the Maastricht treaty for accessing the Eurozone. Actually, these criteria themselves have been recognized as ad hoc neoliberal criteria that are not able to ensure the conversion of different economies. In any case, the presence of Greece and other weak economies of the periphery in the Eurozone ensured that a large market without borders is available for the export business and the banking sector of northern Europe. Moreover, the crisis in the countries of the south ensured that countries of the north such as Germany and the Netherlands were considered as ‘save havens’ for investors. Conservative estimates raise the gains of Germany from the zero interest rates it enjoyed for its bonds and the interest paid by Greece for the bilateral loans to €80 billion.

The most incredible claim of Mr Dijsselbloem is that the rescue packages and the austerity policies that were imposed to Greece the last 5 years saved the people from a greater disaster. A lot can be argued against this. However the best answer comes from a person of his own club, Karl Otto Pohl, a former director of the Bundesbank: ‘The bail-out was about protecting German and -above all- French banks from debt write-offs.‘… ‘In this way, one understands that in reality it was about saving the banks and the rich Greeks…‘ (Spiegel, 18/5/2010).

Reality confirms the aforementioned statement. The unsustainability of the Greek debt was known to the EU since 2009. The social-democrat Greek PM G. Papandreou manipulated the budget deficit to 15.2% (a judicial investigation of the issue is underway) so that Greece has the largest deficit in the EU and a rescue request is justified. After 2 successive bail-outs in 2010 and 2012, the absolute level of the Greek debt remained hardly decreased. However, the holders of the debt changed dramatically. In 2010, the official creditors (governments, ECB etc.) held less than 1/3 of the Greek sovereign debt. Today, they hold more than ¾. Conclusion: the banks were rescued from bankruptcy! The argument of Mr Dijsselbloem that “…the yearly costs of servicing the Greek debts are very low” shows that he lacks knowledge of the basic figures of the Greek economy. Only for 2015, the costs of servicing the sovereign debt amount to 12.3% of GDP and more than 50% of the Net National Disposable Income.

At the same time, income and wealth inequality exploded in Greece. From 2009 to 2012, the income ratio between the richest fifth of the population and the poorest rose from 5.8 to 6.6. From 2011 until 2013, the number of individuals with wealth higher than €30 million rose from 445 to 505 and their total wealth rose from €50 billion to €60 billion or else 32% of GDP. All this was happening under the nose of the Troika that was approving every little law passed by the Parliament.

We invite Mr Dijsselbloem to provide evidence proving that the Troika demanded seriously from any Greek government of the last 5 years to tax the very rich. Did the Troika threaten to stop providing the loan tranches because of the failure of the previous governments to investigate the “Lagarde list” (cc. list of possible tax evaders with deposits in HSBC in Switzerland)? Did the Troika ever demand the taxation of private TV channels that have been operating since 1991 without having paid a single euro in taxes? Instead, in the last negotiations before the referendum, the Troika (and specifically the IMF) demanded from the Greek government to abolish its plan for imposing a one-off new tax to companies with net profit larger than €1 million, claiming that it is a measure of hampering growth! On the contrary, they demanded from the government to cut a special assistance benefit for pensioners (EKAS) that would cause pensioners with an income of a €400 and €500 per month to suffer new losses.

Mr Dijsselbloem fails also to report some other demands of the Troika for ‘reforms’. The Troika demanded from the SYRIZA-government to abolish its plans for giving power to collective bargaining and increasing the minimum wage to a gross amount of €751 per month. Mr Dijsselbloem and his colleagues demanded from the Greek government to abolish its €200 million plan (that’s what Mr Dijsselbloem calls ‘a lot of money’…) for providing food stamps and free electricity to families living in absolute poverty. They also demanded the abolition of the protection of poor home-owners from evictions due to debts. These are the structural reforms that Mr Dijsselbloem demands from the Greek people!

Dijsselbloem and co in the EU, the ECB and the IMF do not represent the people of Europe. They represent vested interest of the financial markets and the top economic elites. For them, the ultimate aim is depriving a left government (even with a very moderate left program) of any chance of success. They want to show that neoliberalism and austerity is the only way for Europe; not only for Greece but also for the Netherlands, as the practice of the current Dutch government shows. That’s why Mr Dijsselbloem intervened so bluntly in the process of the referendum and that’s why in his letter, he clearly states that he would like other politicians to step in in Greece.

The Greek people took a clear decision in the referendum: austerity policies should end. They also gave a clear answer to the blackmail of Dijsselbloem and co: the people themselves will decide for the future of Greece and not the bureaucrats and lobbyists of Brussels or the bankers of Frankfurt. It is now progressive people’s turn throughout Europe to take a position on it.

We call Mr Dijsselbloem to resign immediately from the presidency of the Eurogroup. He has shown that he disregards democracy and that he ignores their right to decide on their own future. We call the members of the Dutch Labour Party to endorse this request and take a position on the right of the Greek people to break free from the deadly spiral of austerity. The position of mr Dijsselbloem and the way he handled the ‘Greek issue’ shows that he has nothing to do with any social-democratic principles.

Read here the letter of Dijsselbloem to the members of the Dutch Labor Party, on July 5th

(scroll down for Greek)

On July 5^th, people in Greece are called to decide whether to agree or not with the inhuman austerity policies imposed by the Troika. Violating any written and unwritten rule of democracy, EU leaders such as Merkel, Juncker and Dijsselbloem blackmail the Greek people that by voting ΝΟ, they will face an unprecedented disaster.

With this letter, we condemn the effort of the EU officials to spread the fear among the Greek people and accept the disaster that they have prepared for them. We support the right of the people in Greece to decide themselves on their future without blackmailing and manipulation.

We also declare our support to the struggle of the people in Greece to free themselves from the deadly spiral of austerity. The 5 years of austerity have brought an unprecedented social disaster and have destroyed the economy. It is high time to seek ways to reverse austerity policies instead of imposing more of them.

We are convinced that a NO-vote in the referendum will be a vote giving hope to Europe. A vote against austerity will send the message that a different way for all European countries is possible as long as the people are determined to pursue it with determination. It will show that austerity policies all around Europe should end.

Politicians

Sadet Karabulut, Dutch Socialist Party’s Member of Parliament

Arnold Merkies, Dutch Socialist Party’s Member of Parliament

Harry van Bommel, Dutch Socialist Party’s Member of Parliament

Dennis de Jong, Dutch Socialist Party’s Member of European Parliament

Anne-Marie Mineur, Dutch Socialist Party’s Member of European Parliament

Rutger Groot Wassink, head of Groen Links in Amsterdam

Academics

Chris Lorenz, Professor UvA

Maria Boletsi, Assistant Professor, Leiden University

Dimitris Pavlopoulos, Assistant Professor, VU Amsterdam

Boris Slijper, Lecturer, UvA and VU

Rodrigo Fernandez, Postdoc KULeuven

Angela Wigger, Assistant Professor, Radboud University Nijmegen

Pepijn Brandon, Historicus, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam / University of Pittsburgh)

Ellen Bal, Associate professor, VU Amsterdam

Marina de Regt, Assistant professor, VU Amsterdam

Katrin McGauran, Researcher, Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations

Brian Droop, Lecturer UvA

Anne de Jong, Assistant Professor, University of Amsterdam

Erik Wesselius,  Corporate Europe Observatory

Saori Shibata, Lecturer, Leiden University

Christian Scholl, Postdoc Researcher, Maastricht University

Natalie Scholz, Assistant Professor , University of Amsterdam

Dora Achourioti, Lecturer, University of Amsterdam

Kees van der Pijl, Emeritus Professor, University of Sussex

Dylan van Rijsbergen Schrijver & Publicist

Paul Mepschen, Lecturer, University of Amsterdam

Ewald Engelen, Professor, University of Amsterdam

Ida Sabelis, Associate Professor, VU University Amsterdam

Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, Associate Professor, VU University Amsterdam

Assimakis Tseronis, Assistant Professor, University of Amsterdam

Sébastien Chauvin, Assistant Professor, University of Amsterdam

Nicholas Vrousalis, Assistant Professor, Leiden University

Joost de Bloois, Lecturer at the University of Amsterdam

 
Trade unionists

Matthias van Rossum, member of the FNV Ledenparliament

Donya Alinejad, Lecturer and Chair of FNV Union Chapter at Amsterdam University College

Maureen van de Pligt  FNV-bond Abvakabo

Hans Lammers, FNV Members Parliament

Journalists

Ingeborg Beugel, journalist and former correspondent in Greece

Others

Dylan van Rijsbergen, writer

Willem Bos, Ander Europa

Alexandra Zoi, high-school teacher

Roos Zevenhuizen- Mavrikou, primary school teacher (IPABO)

drs Djamila Zon, MA in Contemporary History /BA in Journalism and freelance writer/historian

drs  Corien de Gier,  MA in Ancient Medicine

Diana Kretchmann – MA in Ancient Cultures, independent researcher – Professor Ancient History

ΟΧΙ στη λιτότητα! ΝΑΙ στη δημοκρατία!

Στις 5 Ιουλίου, ο ελληνικός λαός καλείται να αποφασίσει αν συμφωνεί με το απάνθρωπο πακέτο λιτότητας που θέλει να επιβάλει η Τρόικα. Hγέτες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, όπως η Μέρκελ, ο Γιούνκερ και ο Ντάιζελμπλουμ, παραβιάζουν γραπτούς και άγραφους κανόνες της δημοκρατίας και εκβιάζουν τον ελληνικό λαό λέγοντας ότι αν ψηφίσει ΟΧΙ θα έρθει η καταστροφή.

Με αυτό το γράμμα, θέλουμε να καταδικάσουμε την προσπάθεια των ηγετών της ΕΕ να σπείρουν το φόβο στον ελληνικό λαό ώστε να αποδεχθεί την καταστροφική τους πρόταση. Υποστηρίζουμε το δικαίωμα του ελληνικού λαού να αποφασίσει μόνος του για το μέλλον του χωρίς εκβιασμούς και χειραγώγηση.

Δηλώνουμε την υποστήριξή μας στον αγώνα του ελληνικού λαού να απελευθερωθεί από το καταστροφικό σπιράλ της λιτότητας. Τα 5 χρόνια της εφαρμογής των πολιτικών λιτότητας έφεραν μια κοινωνική καταστροφή χωρίς προηγούμενο και ταυτόχρονα κατέστρεψαν την οικονομία. Είναι καιρός να σταματήσουν οι πολιτικές λιτότητας και όχι να διευρυνθούν.

Πιστεύουμε ότι η υπερψήφιση του ΟΧΙ στο δημοψήφισμα θα είναι μία ψήφος που θα δώσει ελπίδα στην Ευρώπη. Η ψήφος ενάντια στη λιτότητα θα δώσει το μήνυμα ότι ένας άλλος δρόμο είναι δυνατός για όλες τις ευρωπαϊκές χώρες αρκεί οι ίδιοι οι λαοί να είναι αποφασισμένοι να τον ακολουθήσουν με αποφασιστικότητα. Αυτή η ψήφος θα στείλει το μήνυμα ότι πρέπει να σταματήσουν οι πολιτικές λιτότητας σε όλη την Ευρώπη.

Πολιτικοί

Sadet Karabulut, Bουλευτής του Ολλανδικού Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος

Arnold Merkies, Bουλευτής του Ολλανδικού Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος

Harry van Bommel, Bουλευτής του Ολλανδικού Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος

Dennis de Jong, Ευρωβουλευτής του Ολλανδικού Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος

Anne-Marie Mineur, Ευρωβουλευτής του Ολλανδικού Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος

Rutger Groot Wassink, Αρχηγός της παράταξης Groen Links  στο Δήμο του Άμστερνταμ

Πανεπιστημιακοί

Chris Lorenz, καθητητής Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Μαρία Μπολέτση, Επίκουρη καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο του  Leiden

Δημήτρης Παυλόπουλος, Επίκουρος καθητητής, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Boris Slijper, Λέκτορας, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ και Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Rodrigo Fernandez, μεταδιδακτορικός ερευνητής, Καθολικό Πανεπιστήμιο του Leuven (Βέλγιο)

Angela Wigger, Επίκουρη καθηγήτρια, Radboud University Nijmegen

Pepijn Brandon, μεταδιδακτορικός ερευνητής, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ και Πανεπιστήμιο του Pittsburgh (ΗΠΑ)

Ellen Bal, Αναπληρώτρια καθηγήτρια, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Marina de Regt, Επίκουρη καθηγήτρια, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Katrin McGauran, Ερευνήτρια, Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations

Brian Droop, Λέκτορας, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Anne de Jong, Επίκουρη καθηγήτρια, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Erik Wesselius,  Ερευνητής, Corporate Europe Observatory

Saori Shibata, Λέκτορας, Πανεπιστήμιο του Leiden

Christian Scholl, μεταδιδακτορικός ερευνητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Maastricht

Natalie Scholz, Επίκουρη καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Ντόρα Αχουριώτη, Λέκτορας, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Peyman Jafari,  Λέκτορας, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Kees van der Pijl, Επίτημος καθηγητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Sussex

Ewald Engelen, Καθηγητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Ida Sabelis, Επίκουρος καθηγητής, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, Επίκουρος καθηγητής, Ελεύθερο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Assimakis Tseronis, Επίκουρος καθηγητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Sébastien Chauvin, Επίκουρος καθηγητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Nicholas Vrousalis, Επίκουρος καθηγητής, Πανεπιστήμιο του Leiden

Joost de Bloois, Λέκτορας στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ

Συνδικαλιστές

Matthias van Rossum, μέλος του Γενικού Συμβουλίου της εργατικής συνομοσπονδίας FNV

Donya Alinejad, Λέκτορας και Επικεφαλής του σωματείου εργαζομένων FNV Union Chapter στο Πανεπιστημιακό Κολλέγιο του Άμστερνταμ

Maureen van de Pligt  FNV-bond Abvakabo

Hans Lammers, FNV Members Parliament

Δημοσιογράφοι

Ingeborg Beugel, δημοσιογράφος και πρώην ανταποκριτής στην Ελλάδα

Υπόλοιποι

Dylan van Rijsbergen, συγγραφέας

Willem Bos, Ander Europa

Αλεξάνδρα Ζώη, καθηγήτρια μέσης εκπαίδευσης

Roos Zevenhuizen- Mavrikou, primary school teacher (IPABO)

drs Djamila Zon, MA in Contemporary History /BA in Journalism and freelance writer/historian

drs  Corien de Gier,  MA in Ancient Medicine

Diana Kretchmann – MA in Ancient Cultures, independent researcher – Professor Ancient History

It is no surprise that since the announcement of the referendum the EU, ECB, IMF and the Greek pro-Memoranda bloc have been trying to terrorize Greek people to vote “yes” to the Troika’s demands. It is likely that they will use the percentage of abstention from the referendum to delegitimize an eventual “no”. Setting off a bank panic and making terrorizing announcements are part of this plan.

The Greek people are left with no other option than to use the referendum as a means of saying a loud “no” to all the neoliberal policies of austerity and not only to this specific proposal of Troika. A “no” in the referendum should not be misinterpreted as an acceptance of other Memoranda such as the last proposal of the Greek government: it will be a “no” to the austerity policies promoted by the capitalist system, either chosen by the Troika and the international capital or by the Greek government and the Greek capital.

People in Greece should not confine their reaction to a “no” in the referendum. Only through collective social and class struggles can we stop the neoliberal attack launched by the capital in Greece and all over Europe. These struggles should aim at the total overthrow of the Memoranda policies of the capitalist system, what the Greek government has so far not attempted.

The entire Left and all the trade unions in Europe have now the obligation to show their solidarity to all people in Greece. This is why we call the Dutch Left, trade unions and political groups opposing austerity policies to put an end to their deafening silence of the last five years and take a clear stance in favour of the Greek people’s democratic right to decide on their future. In addition, it is high time that they expressed an explicit opposition to the austerity policies in Greece and Europe. Last but not least, they should actively support the necessity of a write-off of the Greek fiscal debt and urgently organize massive actions in the Netherlands to this direction.

ReINFORM

However, even these minimal demands made by the Greek side seems to be not easily accepted by the rest of the EU governments. They insist that the current government honor the promises of the previous government and comply with the memoranda. EU leaders, even though some of them come
from socialdemocratic parties, try to apply the toughest neoliberal measures people have ever seen not only to Greece but to the whole of Europe. At the same time, they try to convince us that those measures are successful.

Yet the only thing those measures brought to Greece was the disaster of its economy and the penury of the people’s majority: unemployment rose to 25% and 3 million people have no access to medical insurance. The only achievement of those measures -and essentially what they only soughtwas
rescuing European banks from bankruptcy as well as rescuing the profiteers who rise to wealth through the Greek debt.

The experiment that the EU, the IMF and the ECB applied to Greece in cooperation with the corrupted Greek governments will go down in history as the most cruel and inhumane one within the European Union. Analogous measures (pay cuts, abolishment of the social state and abolishment of
work rights) are applied to all European countries as they are in the Netherlands too by Rutte’s cabinet. In every case, the outcome is the increase of unemployment and poverty, while multiplying the profits of big companies and the incomes of the richest 1% of the population.

EU’s attitude towards the Greek people proves its real face. The European Union operates as a brutal executioner of the Greek people and overtly defends the interests of the Greek and the European elite which benefits from the crisis on the Greek people’s shoulders.

The Greek people have already lost a lot and will not draw back. The European Union must accept the Greek people’s decision to reverse the policies towards Greece. The Greek government has no right to withdraw from the Greek people’s decision. The people’s right to live in decency, to democracy and to access to health, education and social care is not negotiable. Greece’s public debt was not created by the people and must not be paid by the people. The more the Greek people are forced to pay that debt the more every policy change will essentially remain impossible. That is why we demand its erasure!

We ask for the support of the Dutch people as well as that of the rest peoples of Europe. Every victory of the Greek people’s demands against the Eurogroup will also be a victory of European people against the policy of cuts and the abolishment of the social state and work rights.

We do not compromise, we do not retreat.

The crisis must be paid by those who created it.

ReINFORM

- the write off of the debt

- the end of the austerity policies in Greece and in the Netherlands.

We fight

- so that we don’t allow the banks to lead our lives

- for the right of the people to make their own destiny.

Venceremos

Is the state making a comeback? It can certainly look like it. Old-fashioned interstate conflicts are roiling the China Sea and Russia’s western borders. Inter-governmental meetings such as the last Apec conference and the Group of 20 leading economies in Sydney took on an unwonted urgency. More positively, it is old-fashioned diplomacy that is making the running on issues from Iran’s nuclear programme to global warming.

Yet the dominant view since the early 1990s has been that globalisation meant the transformation of the world through non-state actors. The end of the cold war ushered in an almost Marxist expectation that the state would wither away – overshadowed by free flows of money and goods, undermined by non-state actors of which terrorist groups were only the most obvious. It was an expectation shared right across the political spectrum.

On the left, critics of market globalisation anticipated the rise of people power. Non-governmental organisations would supersede the supposedly worn out institutions of the nation state and create new, more vibrant forms of political activity. Technology would bring better solutions to old problems, bypassing stagnant state institutions.

The neoliberal right hailed the rise of global finance, the dismantling of capital controls and the deregulation of banking, not least because all of these weakened national governments’ capacity to control markets. In manufacturing and services, enormous new powers accrued to corporations able to take advantage of differing tax regimes and wage levels across the world.

Yet these hopes underestimated the sheer staying power – indeed the legitimacy – of the state and its institutions, and the extreme difficulty of creating new ones from scratch. NGOs remain on the sidelines: international organisations are vehicles for clusters and coalitions of national states to act in concert where they can. To that extent they are essentially derivative, reflecting the wishes of their most powerful members. The idea that they could be freed from the clutches of national governments was a pipe dream.

And the neoliberal infatuation with unfettered markets has not fared much better. The era of globalisation was always one of instability and in Mexico, east Asia, and Russia, the costs of crisis were evident to those who cared throughout the 1990s. But it was only a decade later, when the failure of Lehman Brothers and its aftermath robbed Americans and Europeans of their faith in capitalism, that perceptions started to change where it counted.

Since then, power has shifted back towards the state on multiple fronts. It was, after all, taxpayers who bailed the banks out. It fell to central banks, in conjunction with finance ministries, to superintend the exit from crisis. Since 2010, the increasing inequality that has accompanied the recovery has fuelled an underlying swell of electoral anger not only against the banks but also against the light tax burdens enjoyed by many global corporations. The change in sentiment threatens further trade liberalisation and has propelled calls for the international harmonisation of corporation taxes up the political agenda. At the same time, Vladimir Putin’s muscle-flexing illustrates the continued indispensability of states in settling matters of war and peace.

In reality, the state has been with us the whole time. Its fiscal imprint has hardly changed in decades: US government receipts, for instance, are much the same percentage of output today as in 1960. In the UK, public spending has fluctuated within a fairly narrow band throughout the same period. What happened over the past two or three decades was less a withering away of the state than a recalibration of official priorities. Abdicating strategic planning internally, the state become an arbiter of regulatory regimes. Externally, it transformed defence budgets, transferring resources from men to machines.

The financial crisis has accelerated some of these trends and started to reverse others. States – or the politicians who lead them – are still reluctant to do what would have been done in the 1940s. They remain strikingly reluctant to impose tougher penalties on banks or to identify unemployment as a priority. But what is perhaps important is what the crisis has done globally: by discrediting the more mythical idealisations of the market, it has encouraged the restoration of state power as a goal in itself. This programme is easily harnessed by authoritarian leaders in the name of national sovereignty and democracy. Hungary and Russia exemplify the trend. We have heard a lot, this past 20 years, about the decline of the state. We will not be hearing much more.

The writer is professor of history at Columbia and author of ‘Governing the World: The History of an Idea’

Source of the article: http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/61915746-756e-11e4-a1a9-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3NfPo7PJZ

Source of the featured image: http://growwisegrowmoney.com/2014/07/21/financial-crisis-will-nation-people-survive/

(extracts from Depression Era’s “about” and “statement”)

Here is a sample of photos:

Here is the full site: http://www.depressionera.gr/262731/w-o-r-k-s

Source: http://www.depressionera.gr/262731/w-o-r-k-s

In this event, we want to go further than just challenging the media propaganda. The roots but also the aims of austerity and reform policies will be discussed. Who are the winners of these policies? What will the economy and the political system look like after their full implementation? What was the role of the participation of Greece to the EU and the euro for the development of the crisis as the crisis in the Eurozone started from Greece?

Three critical scholars will provide their contribution to the discussion:

Kees van der Pijl, emeritus professor at the University of Sussex, will give the broader context of the issue from an international perspective and will present the Dutch context as well.
Yiorgos Vassalos, political scientist in Brussels, will evaluate the 30-year long participation of Greece to the EU.
Dimitris Pavlopoulos, assistant professor at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, will talk about the winners and losers of the austerity policies in Greece

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/275719382636460