After the Dutch elections many commentators and citizens were pleased with the fact that Geert Wilders has failed to come first. Nevertheless the reality shows that despite this supposed fail, the ideas and practices of the far-right become more and more acceptable in Dutch politics and the main stream media. Voters of Wilders and Thierry Baudet have sent life-threatening messages to Anne Fleur Dekker, an 22-year old activist and until recently member of Groen Links (Green Left) because a day after the elections she wrote an article on Joop.nl against Thierry Baudet with the title: “Baudet is Wilders in sheep’s clothing.” The reason behind these threats is rather obvious: Intimidating everyone who dares stand up to fascist practises in society. Anne Fleur had to go into hiding to be protected from these threats becoming in this way yet another victim of far-rights just because she dared raise her voice against them.

The reaction of the main stream media was to turn against her rather than trying to stand by her.  Besides the threats by far-right voters, Anne Fleur was attacked by the TV presenter Jeroen Pauw as well during the TV show “Pauw”. During this show, she was told off that she has to be careful with her statements and tweets otherwise she might cause an attack on Wilders. What Jeroen Pauw actually did as a TV presenter was to play the role of the bodyguard of far-right politicians and turn a blind eye on the attack on Anne Fleur.

The reaction of Groen Links was even worse. Although they claim to be left, it appears that struggling against far-right is not one of their priorities. They took rather a safe distance from the attack on Anne Fleur and denied the support she really needed by simply announcing that they support the freedom of expression. It turns out that while Groen Links are busy with the negotiations about their participation in a coalition-government with neoliberal parties of the Dutch right, they are ready to sacrifice not only the few left key points of their political programme and their supposed democratic sensitivities but also their own members who fight against far-right. And this the reason why Anne Fleur has now cancelled her Groen Links membership.

With this statement we want to show our solidarity with Anne Fleur Dekker and all the victims of far-right. We want also to remind everyone that the main stream media’s tolerance and support towards the far-right in Greece ended up in the murder of Pavlos Fyssas.

Let’s fight all together against far-right and not allow them creating more victims! We invite all the democratic political parties to break their silence. We invite particularly Groen Links to stop pretending that nothing serious has happened and instead show in practice that they are really a left party that believes in democracy. We invite all the media as well to stop offering friendly services to far-right.

Let’s fight all together against fascist practices in politics and society!

ReINFORM

- the write off of the debt

- the end of the austerity policies in Greece and in the Netherlands.

We fight

- so that we don’t allow the banks to lead our lives

- for the right of the people to make their own destiny.

Venceremos

“Home care workers in Rotterdam who will lose their jobs in 2014 will be partly replaced by benefit recipients. The municipality will oblige those on benefits to do volunteer work”, De Volkskrant newspaper wrote towards the end of 2013. “This is substitution pure and simple”, according to Wim van der Hoorn, a union leader of the FNV labour union. “The municipality tries to patch up the holes in its budget by using the free labour of benefit claimants to get work done that previously was paid work. In this way employment is lost”. But the PvdA (Social Democratic party) elderman Marco Florijn tries to keep up appearances and “wishes to underline that the absolute precondition is that no regular jobs are lost”. His political associate Jan Hamming, mayor of Heusden and chairman of the advisory committee “Work and Income” of the association of Dutch municipalities VNG, is a lot more honest on this issue. He admits that the use of benefit claimants can threaten existing jobs. “There is a financial side to this story. We are confronted with substantial budget cuts. That also impacts on the work in municipalities: it does not get done. So it is only logical that we are also considering putting people who are on benefits to work.” Rotterdam is not a unique case for that matter: thousands, possibly tens of thousands and who knows in future hundreds of thousands of benefit claimants are being forced to do unpaid labour.

Sticky fingers

The question is who profits from forced labour and job substitution, and what the amounts are that we are talking about. It is difficult for us to get this information. The implementation is far from transparent. Many municipalities have already introduced forced labour but they all have their own approach, often through structures that differ only slightly. In some instances the benefit claimants have to do forced labour in municipal reintegration centres and sheltered workplaces, in other places they have to work in home care or with ‘volunteer’ organisations, and other municipalities put them to work in commercial reintegration agencies, temp agencies and commercial businesses.

Obviously any commercial business will only want to be involved in such projects if these are financially attractive. In principle forced labourers are cheaper than regular employees because they do not receive wages and have no entitlements regarding better (and thus more expensive) working conditions. But it is usually unclear how much money is involved, and where exactly it disappears into the deep pockets along the way in the outplacement chain. In most cases it will be financially attractive for the municipalities to force benefit claimants into compulsory unpaid labour. After all, their benefits are being paid by the national government, although in practice quite a few municipalities have already been obliged to pay a share of these costs. With or without municipal deficit: all extra income from forced labour is probably welcome. The downside is that an entire system of repression has to be set up to continuously monitor the forced labourers, and this is costly: the minimum that is necessary would be the monitoring infrastructure plus the wages for the guards and ‘coordinators’. But this in a way is employment and can probably be paid out of the so-called ‘employment budget’ which is part of the social benefits budget that the municipalities receive from the government. In addition there have to be employees who bring in customers and orders, and this should not be too difficult with the obviously low labour cost that can be guaranteed through forced labour. Companies and municipalities try to sell forced labour with all sorts of explanations about ‘social return’, ‘gaining experience’, and ‘giving people guidance and support’, as they do for low paid and unpaid internships and other types of worktraining programmes. Usually it is just empty words but not always: sometimes they really do invest some time into explaining the work to people and training them. And in some cases new workers do indeed produce less in the beginning than their experienced colleagues. In short there would have to be an in depth national research with full cooperation from civil servants, businesses, unions and economists to get to the bottom of who really benefits from forced labour and to what extent.

Substitution

The question is: how useful would such research be for the bottom-up activists, for the workers themselves? And what do we mean by ‘substitution’, how would we describe it? If we look at it from the bottom up it is really very simple: any form of labour that is paid less than the minimum wage or the collective labour agreement wage for adults, in whatever way and with whatever excuse possible, in fact means that regular paid jobs are being replaced. This applies to forced labour in the same way it applies to unpaid internships, worktraining programmes, youth minimum wage jobs, and so on. After all the existing work is turned into a lower paid or even unpaid job.

For alderman Florijn ‘substitution’ probably only applies when a regular paid job is replaced one-on-one by ‘voluntary work’. From the position of the forced labourer however it does not matter at all whether or not the work was a decently paid job earlier on. The issue is that work that is done by a forced labourer cannot be done by a regular paid worker any more. To put it bluntly: every forced labourer is made to substitute the paid job that he or she could have had without forced labour. And this also goes for work that has never, or not for years, been paid work. The fact is that this work obviously needs to be done, otherwise no one would be forced to do it, or be recruited for it, and no internships would be established to do it. The authorities and bosses would simply have to pay to get this work done if forced labour and all sorts of vague internship constructions had not been created. In that case the labourers would have had their wages and rights. Basically there is only one exception to this rule and this is the work that was simply made up to keep benefit claimants busy, to discipline them and bully them out of the benefits scheme. You know the type of work: one man digs a hole and the other one fills it up again. Or the type of forced labour where the benefit claimants just have to show up at the workplace but there is nothing to be done except hang around and wait. This is not substitution of course, but out of principle even in those cases people ought to be properly paid for this. Let alone the fact that benefit claimants are being humiliated by this, and that for that reason alone forced labour should be abolished immediately.

But there is more to substitution than this. Forced labour and obligatory ‘volunteer work’ are not only substituting regular paid jobs, but also important unpaid work such as for example first-line care by family or others, political activism, and also a lot of real volunteer work that the government does not approve of. This means that the existing volunteer economy is losing its autonomy and gets to be more and more controlled by municipalities. In this way forced labour harms community and volunteer work, and other activities outside of the capitalist logic that make life worthwhile for many people.

Profit and loss

When we start looking at the financial question from bottom-up things actually become quite simple. The extra revenues that this substitution generates for bosses and municipalities equals exactly the amount that all forced labourers, interns and work experience placements together lose compared to when they would receive a regular (collective labour agreement or adult) minimum wage. This is the amount that the working class as a whole is being deprived of, on top of the added value they produce and that is always appropriated by the capitalist class anyway. These calculations can also easily be made for individual cases: how much money does a benefit claimant who works, receive less compared to when he or she would be paid a regular wage. And if we would add these sums for the by now estimated tens of thousands of forced labourers we quickly end up with huge amounts. In Leiden the forced labourers officially have to work 26 hours a week, and as a result the minimum wage for the hours worked would be exactly the same as their benefits. This would be a financial-technical way to prevent substitution, but in practice most forced labourers work far more than 26 hours. In addition the forced labour placements continue to substitute regular jobs with regular labour rights.

If you look at it from the bottom up it is a false argument used by employers and municipalities, that forced labourers, interns and youth work placements have to learn the work and produce less so should get paid less. Not only is their production not always lower, in some cases it is even higher. The point is that this growing group of underpaid or not paid labourers have to pay for their housing, food, clothing and insurances just like anyone else. It is not about productivity as it is with old-fashioned piece rate, but about the time that workers give to their bosses. The workers can only make use of their time once, and this is a problem when due to these forms of underpayment more and more people working during all the working hours they have only receive an income that is not even a living wage. The issue should be a decent living wage for everyone.

Eric Krebbers

Source of Article: http://www.doorbraak.eu/job-substitution/

Source of Featured Image: http://simplepimple.com/2012/08/are-internships-a-form-of-modern-slavery/

We, Professors, teachers and staff of Dutch Universities, reply to the call of our academic colleagues in Gaza and condemn in the strongest terms Israel’s excessive and brutal violence against the population in Gaza.

Since the beginning of Israel’s military operation, 1814 people were killed of which at least 1312 were civilians, 214 women and 408 children. 8265 people are wounded, 457.000 internally displaced and the entire 1.8 million population of Gaza has restricted or no access to health care, clean water and sanitary facilities. Israeli bombing and accompanied ground offensive damaged or completely destroyed 9765 houses, 141 schools, 2, universities, 24 health facilities and the only power plant in Gaza.

This cannot be justified as ‘self-defence’ and instead concerns collective punishment of a civilian population, excessive force, and severe and ongoing violation of the most basic human rights of the people in Gaza.

In congruence with statements of colleagues from Israel, the United Kingdom and other places , we, Professors, teachers and staff of Dutch Universities, call for an immediate and unconditional cease fire, for the immediate and unhindered access of humanitarian assistance and for Dutch political representatives and the International community to strongly condemn the ongoing and above mentioned violations of human rights by Israel.

Professors, teachers and staff of Dutch Universities and colleges who signed the statement above:

1. Paul Aarts, Docent internationale betrekkingen, Politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
2. Ibtissam Abaaziz, Promovendus, Erasmus Universiteit
3. Dr. Maria Jose de Abreu, Sociologie & Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
4. Dr. Tjitske Akkerman, Afdeling Politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
5. Donya Alinejad, Docent Amsterdam University College en promovenda, Sociaal en culturele antropologie, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
6. Anika Altaf, Promovenda, Universiteit van Amsterdam
7. Dr. Juan M. Amaya-Castro, Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
8. Apostolos Andrikopoulos, Promovendus sociologie en Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
9. Dr. Miriyam Aouragh, (Dutch Academic) University of Westminster (Oxford, UK)
10. Nora Asrami, P.hd, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
11. Fatiha Azzarhouni, Docent & programma manager, Universiteit Leiden
12. Dr. Grietje Baars, (Dutch Academic) Law, City University London
13. Dr. Saskia Baas, International Relations, Amsterdam University College
14. M. Babur, Programme Manager Interdisciplinary Social Sciences
15. Tullio Bagnoli, Promovendus, SRON – Netherlands Space Research Institute
16. Dr. Ellen Bal, Afdeling Sociale en Culturele Antropologie, Vrije Universiteit
17. Dr. Sruti Bala, Assistant Professor, Theatre Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
18. Dr. Markus Balkenhol, Universiteit Utrecht/Meertens Instituut
19. Dr. Maarten Bavinck, Universiteit van Amsterdam
20. Marie Beauchamps Amsterdam School for Cultural Analysis, Universiteit van Amsterdam
21. Drs. Tineke Bennema, Universiteit Tilburg
22. Dr. Lidewyde Berckmoes, Postdoc researcher, Maastricht University
23. Filippo Bertoni, Promovendus, Universiteit van Amsterdam
24. Dr. Jess Bier, Postdoctoral Fellow (Onderzoeker), Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
25. Prof.dr. Rutgerd Boelens, Wageningen Universiteit en Universiteit van Amsterdam
26. Drs. Judith van den Boogert, Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
27. Lisa Bossenbroek, Promovendus, Universiteit Wageningen
28. Che Brandes-Tuka, (Dutch academic) Promovendus, Global Center for Advanced Studies
29. Dr. Pepijn Brandon, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
30. Dr. Christian Bröer, Afdeling Sociologie & Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
31. Kim Bruggeman, MA, Docent Visuele Cultuur Hogeschool van Amsterdam,
32. Jelle Bruinsma, (Dutch academic) History, Durham University
33. Dr. Bram Büscher, Associate Professor , International Institute of Social Studies
34. Prof. dr. S.I. Cohen, Erasmus School of Economics, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
35. Francesco Colona, Promovenda, AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
36. Gianmaria Colpani, Promovenda, Media & Culture Studies (Gender Studies), Utrecht University
37. Dr Benoit S.Y. Crutzen, Dept of economics, Erasmus School of Economics, Erasmus Universiteit
38. Dr. Martijn Dekker, ASW & Conflict Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
39. Amanda Delgado, Promovenda of Linguistic, Universiteit Leiden
40. Stefania Donzelli, Promovenda, International Institute of Social Studies
41. Drs. Brian Droop, Economie & Bedrijfskunde, Universiteit van Amsterdam
42. Prof.dr. John Dugard, Emeritus professor of law, Leiden
43. Prof.dr. Jan Willem Duyvendak, hoogleraar sociologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
44. Ian Sebastiaan Eliëns, MSc, Promovendus, Institute of Physics, Universiteit van Amsterdam
45. Saskia ter Ellen, Promovenda, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
46. Johannes von Engelhardt, MSc, Promovendus en docent Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
47. Dr. Karwan Fatah-Black, Instituut voor Geschiedenis, Universiteit Leiden
48. Annemarie van Geel, MPhil, FFTR, Islamstudies, Radboud University Nijmegen
49. Prof.dr. Halleh Ghorashi, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
50. Dr. Alana Gillespie, Affiliated researcher, ICON Universiteit Utrecht
51. Mariana Gkliati, Promovenda, Leiden University
52. Prof.dr. Marlies Glasius, Department of Politics, Universiteit van Amsterdam
53. Dr. Erella Grassiani, Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
54. Dorine Greshof, Docent Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
55. Stine Grinna, Promovenda, Universiteit van Amsterdam
56. Dr. Stella Gryllia, Postdoctoral researcher LUCL, Leiden University
57. Dr. Leo de Haan, Hoogleraar Ontwikkelingsstudies, International Institute of Social Studies
58. Dr. Rob Hagendijk, Universitair Hoofd Docent afdeling politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
59. Mustafa Hekimoglu, Promovendus Econometrics Institute, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
60. Laura Henderson, Promovenda Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
61. Dr. Silke Heumann, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
62. Lukas Hoex Docent, Instituut voor Interdisciplinaire Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
63. Ali Honari, Researcher at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam University Amsterdam
64. Shu Yi (Nina) Huang, Promovenda, of Gender Studies, Humanity ,Utrecht University
65. Drs. Hafez Ismaili m’Hamdi, Promovendus Erasmus MC en universitair docent cultuur filosofie Universiteit Leiden
66. Gijsbert van Iterson Scholten, Promovendus Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam & docent University Amsterdam
67. Peyman Jafari, Promovendus Leiden Universiteit
68. Dr. N. Jafari, Resident Neurology Erasmus Medical Center Rotterdam
69. Itandehui Jansen, Universiteit Leiden
70. Marenne Mei Jansen, Promovenda, Amsterdam Centre for Conflict Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
71. Vanessa de Jesus, Promovenda & Ph.D vertegenwoordiger AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
72. Drs. Shivant Jhagroe, Faculteit Sociale Wetenschappen, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
73. Dr. Anne de Jong, Conflict Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
74. Prof.emer.Dr. E.J. Jonkman, klin. neurofysioloog (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam)
75. Drs. Reza Kartosen-Wong, Promovendus Amsterdam School of Communication Research, Universiteit van Amsterdam
76. Bahar Kaya, Exchange Coördinator, Universiteit van Amsterdam
77. Dr. A.D.N. (Toon) Kerkhoff, Assistant professor Bestuurskunde, Universiteit Leiden
78. Loes Keysers, Staff Unit International Institute of Social Studies (ISS)
79. Dr. Kate Kirk, Assistant Professor Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam University Amsterdam
80. Dr. Shifra Kisch, Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research Universiteit van Amsterdam
81. Dr Anouk de Koning, Antropologie en Ontwikkelingsstudies, Radboud Universiteit
82. Dr. Stasja Koot, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
83. Dr. Froukje Krijtenburg, Afdeling Sociale en Culturele Antropologie, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
84. Dr. Hans de Kruijk, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
85. Dr. Rudi Künzel, Historicus, Universiteit van Amsterdam
86. Milagros Sosa Landeo, Promovendus, Water Resources Management University
87. Jiraporn Laocharoenwong, Promovendus, AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
88. Dr. ir. Y.P.B. (Yves) van Leynseele, AISSR & lecturer Human Geography, Planning and International Development Studies
89. Dr. Mieke Lopes Cardozo, Universiteit van Amsterdam
90. Simone Lovera-Bilderbeek, gast onderzoeker, AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
91. Maja Lovrenovic, Promovenda, Culturele Antropologie Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam University
92. Dr. Arnold Lubbers, Book & Manuscript Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
93. Dr. M.E. Maeckelbergh, Cultural Anthropology, Leiden University
94. Michael Marchman, Lecturer, Cultural Geography & Study Adviser, Universiteit Wageningen
95. Dr. Vivienne Matthies-Boon, Politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
96. Tracian Meikle, Promovendus AISSR, GPIO, Universiteit van Amsterdam
97. Drs. Sander Mensink, Docent Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
98. Paul Mepschen, Promovendus Sociologie en Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
99. Prof.dr. Michael Merry, Universiteit van Amsterdam
100. Dr. Eva Midden, assistant professor, Utrecht University
101. Irena Mikolajun, Academic staff, Erasmus School of Economics
102. Violeta Misheva, Promovenda, Erasmus Universiteit RotterdamRotterdam
103. Prof. dr. Annelies Moors, Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
104. Lela Mosemghvdlishvili, Promovenda & docent, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
105. Dr. J.C. Muis, Afdeling Sociologie, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
106. Esther van Munster, Congres & Mediacenter Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
107. Dr. Ton van Naerssen, Retired associate professor human geography RU
108. Joyce Neys, Promovenda, Erasmus School of History, Culture and Communication, EUR
109. Marjan Nijborg Promovenda, Universiteit van Amsterdam
110. Aysu Okbay, Institution Promovenda, Erasmus School of Economics
111. Dr. Domitilla Olivieri, Humanities, Utrecht University
112. Gezina Oorthuys, studieadviseur Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
113. Merijn Oudenampsen, Promovendus Tilburg Universiteit
114. Dr. Polly Pallister-Wilkins, Political science, Universiteit van Amsterdam
115. Dr. Dimitris Pavlopoulos, Assistant Professor Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
116. Dr. Lorenzo Pellegrini, Associate Professor, International Institute of Social Studies
117. Prof.dr. R. Peters, Universiteit van Amsterdam
118. Prof.dr.ir. J.D. (Jan Douwe) van der Ploeg, Wageningen Universiteit
119. Margriet Poppema, Senior Lecturer International Development Studies University of Amsterdam
120. Prof.dr. Mattijs van de Port, Culturele Antropologie, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam en Universiteit van Amsterdam
121. Prof.dr. Jan Pronk, International Institutes of Social Studies, The Hague
122. Zameer Razack, (Dutch academic), Postgraduate Researcher, Bournemouth University
123. Dr. Marina de Regt, Afdeling Sociale en Culturele Antropologie Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
124. Prof.dr. Louk de la Rive Box, Faculteit cultuur en maatschappijwetenschappen, Universiteit Maastricht
125. Dr. Roberto Rocco, assistant professor at the Delft University of Technology
126. Dr. M. van Rossum, Docent Universiteit Leiden
127. Dr. Mirjam A.F. Ros-Tonen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
128. Dr. Dik Roth, Universitair docent, Wageningen Universiteit
129. Jaap Rothuizen, MSc, Faculteit der Natuurwetenschappen, Wiskunde en Informatica Universiteit van Amsterdam
130. Dr. Maria Rusca, Senior Lecturer in Water Governance, UNESCO-IHE
131. Rosanne Salimi, Docent Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
132. Yatun Sastramidjaja, Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
133. Dr. Mirko Tobias Schäfer, Assistant Professor, Utrecht University
134. Drs. J.W.P. Schnerr, econoom Universiteit van Amsterdam en ziekenhuisbestuurde (gepensioneerd)
135. Joeri Scholtens, MSc, Promovendus, Universiteit van Amsterdam
136. Drs. Patricia Schor, Utrecht University
137. Menno van Setten, MSc, Promovendus Universiteit Utrecht
138. Zara Sharif, Promovenda, Tinbergen Institute, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
139. Aggeliki Sifaki, PhD, Gender Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Utrecht University
140. Dr. Stephanie Simon, Lecturer and Researcher, Universiteit van Amsterdam
141. Jasmijn Slootjes, Promovenda (PhD candidate) Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
142. Wilma Smeets, Medewerker onderwijssecretariaat, Universiteit van Amsterdam
143. Ir. Hermen Smit, Docent/Onderzoeker River Basin Governance UNESCO-IHE Institute for Water Education
144. Katusha Sol Docent Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
145. Dr. Olga Sooudi, Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
146. Prof.dr. Irene van Staveren, hoogleraar economie, Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus Universiteit
147. Mikki Stelder, MA,Promovendus, Universiteit van Amsterdam
148. Dr. Jan Willem Stutje Historicus, Universiteit Gent
149. Nozomi Takahashi, Biotechnology. University of Nijmegen (currently University, Belgium)
150. Margaret Tali, Researcher en Promovenda, Universiteit van Amsterdam
151. Karolien van Teijlingen, Promovenda, CEDLA, Universiteit van Amsterdam
152. Annisa Triyanti, M.Sc,Promovenda in AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
153. Bertus Tulleners, Docent, Instituut voor Interdisciplinaire Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam
154. Dr. Ineke van der Valk, Fac. Maatschappij en Gedragswetenschappen, Universiteit van Amsterdam
155. Dr. Piia Varis, Tilburg University
156. Prof.dr. Kees (CG) van der Veer, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Amsterdam en Transcend Peace University (Basel)
157. Dr. Imrat Verhoeven, afdeling politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
158. Dr. Hebe Verrest, Universiteit van Amsterdam
159. Sanderien Verstappen, Promovenda Universiteit van Amsterdam
160. Marloes Vlind, Msc, docent Sociologie Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
161. Else Vogel, Promovenda antropologie aan de universiteit van Amsterdam
162. Lior Volinz, Promovendus, AISSR, Universiteit van Amsterdam
163. Dr. Doro Wiese, Comparative Literature and Gender Studies, Universiteit Utrecht
164. Mandy de Wilde, Promovenda Afdeling Sociologie en Antropologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam
165. Dr. Mariëtt Willems, Neuroloog ErasmusMC Rotterdam
166. Fleur Wirtz, Docent Sociologie, Vrije universiteit Amsterdam
167. M.C. Wittendorp, Ph.D, Docent Medische biologie, Hogeschool Leiden
168. Prof.emer.Dr. W.G. Wolters, emeritus hoogleraar economische antropologie, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen,
169. Taylan Yenilmez, Promovendus, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Department of Economic
170. Mohammed Zarouali, Docent Eurocollege, Rotterdam
171. Marius A. Zoican, Mphil, Promovendus, Finance Department, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
172. Christel Zwaga, Education Service Centre, Universiteit van Amsterdam
173. Prof.dr. Margreet Z. Zwarteveen, Professor Water Governance, Universiteit van Amsterdam
174. Prof.dr. Evert van der Zweerde, Hoogleraar Politieke filosofie, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen

Dat meldt 925 (nine to five), een nieuwssite die is opgezet door BN’er Jort Kelder. Op het adres waar de holding volgens de Kamer van Koophandel is gehuisvest, wijst op het eerste gezicht niets op een Russische connectie. Alleen de automerken Renault en Nissan prijken op de geelbruin marmeren gevel van het pand vlak achter de ING aan de Zuidas.

Maar Alliance Rostec Auto BV dat schuil gaat achter dit adres, is in Nederland de piek op de kerstboom van bedrijven die schuiven met geld om maar zo min mogelijk belasting te hoeven betalen. Via allerlei constructies is het verbonden met Rostec, een staatsbedrijf dat de Russische export bevordert, en Rosoboronexport, de Russische wapenfabrikant die jaarlijks 10 miljard euro aan wapens exporteert.

Koude Oorlog
Rosoboronexport is de opvolger van een reeks kleinere Russische wapentuigfabrikanten als MiG (gevechtsvliegtuigen), Sukhoi (onbemande vliegtuigen) en Yakovlev (bommenwerpers). Die bedrijven moesten de Sovjettroepen tijdens de Koude Oorlog met het Westen laten concurreren. Ook de luchtdoelraket waarmee de MH-17 donderdag uit de lucht zou zijn geschoten, stamt uit deze tijd.

Na het uiteenvallen van de Sovjet-Unie begin jaren negentig moesten de bedrijven op zoek naar andere afzetmarkten. Die werden gevonden in de wereld van dictators: wijlen kolonel Kadhafi van Libië, Omar-al Bashir van Soedan en Bashar al Assad van Syrië.

De link met Alliance Rostec Auto BV loopt weer via Avtovas een andere spin in het web van bv’s. Deze Russische autofabriek werd eind jaren zestig opgezet in samenwerking met Fiat.

Het is gezien de omstandigheden cynisch, maar de manier waarop Rostec zijn financiën regelt, is niet uitzonderlijk, zegt een onderzoeker op basis van anonimiteit. ‘Het legt nu op een pijnlijke manier bloot wie je vrienden zijn. Het verklaart ook waarom premier Rutte terughoudend optreedt. Nederland is de bakermat voor de Russische elite die hier miljarden heeft gestald.’

Source: http://www.volkskrant.nl/vk/nl/31522/Vliegtuigcrash-in-Oekraine/article/detail/3692779/2014/07/21/Leverancier-van-raket-MH17-zetelt-op-de-Amsterdamse-Zuidas.dhtml

Eerder hebben we op deze website informatie geplaatst over de aanstaande bijeenkomst op 13 juni (zie hier). Het programma voor deze avond is nu bekend (zie onder foto).

Massale protesten in Frankrijk tegen Front National laten het belang van de anti racisme strijd zien!

Discussie-avond n.a.v. de Europese verkiezingen met bijdragen van:

• Willem Bos, Comité Ander Europa (www.andereuropa.org)
• Patricia Kaersenhout, beeldend kunstenaar en Surinaams activiste (www.pkaersenhout.com)
• NuriKarabulut, voorzitter DIDF (www.didf.nl)

Kom naar deze bijeenkomst van het
Platform Stop Racisme en Uitsluiting
op vrijdagavond 13 juni 20.00 uur in Amsterdam!

Het Platform Stop Racisme en Uitsluiting nodigt iedereen uit voor de discussie-avond:

• Datum: vrijdag 13 juni 20.00 uur (inloop vanaf 19.30 uur)
• Locatie: SBOW, Eerste Helmersstraat 106 in Amsterdam
• Entree gratis, maar graag aanmelden via info@platformtegenvreemdelingenhaat.nl.

Saturday 7th of June, 19.00 MKZ, Amsterdam

Via Stop de NSS

Er zal onder meer gepraat worden over hoe kerncentrales zich kunnen beschermen tegen zogenaamde terroristen. Maar over het feit dat kernenergie en kernwapens altijd een bedreiging vormen, waarvan de kernrampen in Tchernobyl en Fukushima desastreuze voorbeelden zijn, zul je ze niet horen. Dit nucleaire congres is dan ook een farce. Het gaat over schijnveiligheid, want voor een echt veilige wereld zal elke staat zijn kernwapens en kerncentrales moeten opgeven en overgaan op een echt duurzame manier van energie.

Om het in totaal slechts 12 uur durende overleg te faciliteren wordt Den Haag omgetoverd tot een militaire vesting. 13.000 agenten, 3.000 marechaussee en 4.000 militairen worden ingezet om zo Den Haag in hun greep te houden. Dit kost de gemeenschap ruim 200 miljoen euro terwijl er steeds meer mensen ontslagen worden in onder andere de zorg, en de voedselbanken steeds meer klanten krijgen.

Het overleg van de wereldleiders kost meer dan dat er in Den Haag op cultuur en buurthuizen is bezuinigd, waar nu juist de mensen aan de onderkant van de samenleving het slachtoffer van zijn. Hier wordt geen seconde bij stil gestaan en alles moet wijken voor de machthebbers die op hun beurt verantwoordelijk zijn voor de armoede in vele delen van de wereld.

Daarom zal op zondag 23 maart, de dag voor het congres, een demonstratie plaatsvinden in Den Haag onder het motto: “Stop nuclear power! Abolish poverty!” Om duidelijk te maken dat het in de wereld moet gaan om mensen en niet om winst en macht en dat kernenergie en kernwapens onveilig zijn. Sluit je aan met je (actie)groep, je vrienden en familie. Neem spandoeken en protestborden mee en wees creatief.

Verzamelen: 14:00, Hobbemaplein Den Haag

Kijk ook op de website en nodig je vrienden uit via het Facebook evenement!

N.B. Voor wie liever meedoet met een fietsactie dan een demonstratie, op dezelfde dag is er ook “Bike around the bomb”, georganiseerd door de Nederlandse studentenvereniging van Global Zero.

English translation: 

23-03-2014 Demonstration: “Stop nuclear power! Abolish poverty!”

On March 24-25, the Nuclear Security Summit will take place in The Hague. During this two day meeting, 58 world leaders will discuss nuclear “security”. As is always the case with such high-level meetings, it will only be about the interests of the most powerful people, and not about citizens in general- just like at the meetings of the G8 and G20.

The world leaders don’t want countries that are uncooperative to possess nuclear capabilities, while they themselves have nuclear weapons. American nuclear warheads are even being stored here in the Netherlands. Ideas about how nuclear power plants can protect themselves against so-called terrorism will also be discussed. Unfortunately, you will not hear them talking about the fact that nuclear energy and nuclear weapons always pose a threat, a fact made painfully clear by the nuclear disasters in Chernobyl and Fukushima. This nuclear congress is therefore also a farce. This is about a false sense of security, because a truly safe world would require every state to give up its nuclear weapons, close its nuclear power plants and switch over to a sustainable energy source.

In order to facilitate a discussion which will only last 12 hours in total, The Hague will be transformed into a military installation. 13,000 police officers, 3000 military police, and 4000 soldiers will be put in
place to keep The Hague in their hands. This will cost the community 200 million euros while more and more people are losing their jobs, healthcare is being cut, and the food banks are receiving more clients. This meeting of world leaders will cost more than the total amount cut from culture and community centers in The Hague, with people on the bottom of society being the biggest victims of these cuts. Not one moment of thought has been given to these facts, and everyone must simply move aside for the powerful leaders who are responsible for the poverty in many parts of the world.

Therefore, a demonstration will take place in The Hague on March 23, the day before the congress, under the motto: Stop nuclear power! Abolish poverty! Let’s make it clear that the world should revolve around people and not profit and power, and that safety cannot be created with nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. Join us with your (action) group, your friends, and family. Bring banners and protest signs and be creative.

Url: http://www.stopdenss.nl/
E-mail: info@stopdenss.nl
———————————————-

German translation

23-03-2014 Demonstration: “Stop nuclear power! Abolish poverty!”

Am 24 und 25 März findet in Den Haag der National Security Summit statt. Während der Veranstaltung werden führende Politiker aus 58 Ländern zusammenkommen, um über nukleare “Sicherheit” zu sprechen. So wie immer bei diesen Treffen geht es dabei hauptsächlich um die Interessen der großen Machthaber und nicht um den kleinen Mensch, genauso wie bei den Treffen von G8 und G20.

So wollen die Machthaber, dass Länder, die ihnen nicht wohlwollend gesonnen sind, keine Atomwaffen besitzen, obwohl sie selbst über diese Waffen verfügen. Auch in den Niederlanden lagern Atomsprengköpfe der amerikanischen Streitkräfte. Ebenso wird darüber gesprochen, wie man Kernkraftwerke gegen sogenannte Terroristen schützen kann. Die Tatsache das Kernenergie und Kernwaffen immer eine Gefahr darstellen, wovon Tschernobyl und Fukushima katastrophale Beispiele sind, kommt dabei nicht zur Sprache. Dieser nukleare Kongress ist eine Farce. Es geht dabei um scheinbare Sicherheit, denn für eine echte, sichere Welt müsste jeder Staat seine Kernwaffen und Kernkraftwerke aufgeben und vollständig auf erneuerbare Energien setzen.

Für den insgesamt nur 12 Stunden dauernden Kongress wird Den Haag in eine militärische Festung verwandelt. 13.000 Polizisten, 3.000 Marechaussee und 4.000 Soldaten werden dafür als Sicherheitskräfte in Den Haag eingesetzt. Die Kosten von rund 200 Millionen Euro werden auf die Gesellschaft abgewälzt. Und das bei steigender Arbeitslosigkeit, vielen Entlassungen in der Pflege und länger werdenden Reihen bei den voedselbanken (Tafel). Der Kongress kostet mehr als was in Den Haag für Kultur und Nachbarschaftszentren gekürzt wurde. Gerade letzteres betrifft viele Menschen am unteren Rand der Gesellschaft. Interessieren tut das niemand, alles wird beiseite geschoben für die Machthaber, sie selbst verantwortlich sind für die Armut in so vielen Teilen dieser Welt.

Darum rufen wir euch auf am 23 März, der Tag vor dem Kongress, mit uns in Den Haag zu demonstrieren. Das Motto ist: Stop nuclear power! Abolish poverty! Wir wollen deutlich machen, dass der Mensch zählt und nicht der Gewinn und das Sicherheit nicht durch Kernwaffen und Kernenergie kommt. Schließt euch an mit Initiativen, Freunden und Familie. Nehmt Transparente und Schilder mit, seid kreativ.

Anfang: 14:00, Hobbemaplein Den Haag

Url: http://www.stopdenss.nl/
E-mail: info@stopdenss.nl

Source: http://www.kritischestudenten.nl/agenda/stop-nuclear-power-abolish-poverty/

Deze trend beperkt zich niet tot Nederland. Door heel Europa zijn deze ideeën in opkomst. Wilders bundelt op Europees niveau zijn krachten met andere extreemrechtse en zelfs fascistische partijen. Solidariteit tussen verschillende bevolkingsgroepen is nodig om deze gevaarlijke tendens te keren.

Wij hebben daarom vijf eisen:

1.Er moet een actiecampagne komen die discriminatie in het onderwijs en op de arbeids-markt tegengaat. Bedrijven die discrimineren moeten worden beboet.

2.Alle discriminatiegronden moeten even serieus worden genomen. Naast homofobie, racisme en antisemitisme moet ook de islamofobie in Nederland in kaart worden gebracht en actief bestreden worden.

3.Er moet een onafhankelijk vervolgonderzoek komen op het rapport van Amnesty International over de politie. Etnisch profileren moet stoppen.

4.Dit kabinet moet de uitspraak van het Europees Comite voor Sociale Rechten opvolgen: alle vluchtelingen hebben recht op voedsel, onderdak en kleding. Geen vluchteling op straat of in de cel, laten we de mensenrechten weer respecteren!

5.De Sinterklaasoptocht moet dit jaar Zwarte Piet vrij worden. In het onderwijs moet er meer aandacht komen voor het Nederlandse slavernij- en koloniale verleden.

DEMONSTREER MEE OP DE DAG TEGEN RACISME